A History of English Language

A history of the english language 366
the larger counties mentioned in the footnote, and because the figures for the smaller
counties are not given, we may conservatively say that two-thirds of the New England
colonists before 1700 came from the south of England, especially the southeast. For
Virginia the percentage is not quite so large but is still decisive. Forty-two percent were
derived from London, Gloucester, and Kent, all in the south. Again figures for the smaller
counties are omitted. From the map that these statistics accompany, however, it appears
that the south Midlands and the west were more fully represented among the settlers of
Virginia than in the New England colonies. In any case, it is certain that more than 50
percent of the Virginia settlers traced came from the southern half of England. The
inference is that the English brought to New England and Virginia was that spoken in the
southern parts of England, and that the similarity of the New England and Southern
dialects in this country to present-day standard English is due to the preponderance of
settlers from the south of England in these colonies. The importance of Virginia in the
later settlements of the South has already been pointed out and doubtless accounts for the
spread of the early Virginia form of speech in the southern states.
We unfortunately do not have the same sort of information about the early settlers in
the middle colonies. But we are not without a basis for inference. We know that the
Quakers played the principal part in the settlements along the Delaware, and that this sect
had its largest following in the north of England and the north Midlands. We should
expect a good many of the settlers in eastern Pennsylvania and the adjacent parts of New
Jersey and Delaware to have come from the northern half of England. We know also that
large numbers of Scots-Irish settled in Pennsylvania and were later prominent in the
settlement of parts of the South and the West. They were mostly Scots who had been
settled for a few generations in northeastern Ireland. They, of course, spoke Northern
English. The Germans, who formed a large element in the population of the middle
colonies, acquired their English from the English-speaking colonists among whom they
settled. It would seem likely that the population of the Middle States was much more
northern than that of New England and Virginia, and that the preservation of the r and
other characteristics of Northern English found in the dialect of these states is to be
accounted for in this way. It may not be too much to assert that the prominence of the
Scots-Irish in the constant advance of the western frontier was an influential factor in
carrying the form of English spoken in the middle colonies into the newer territories of
the West and in making this speech the basis of General American.
In describing the principal dialect areas that can be distinguished in the language of
this country we have spoken only of distinctive features of the pro-nunciation. This does
not mean that there are no other local differences. There are also peculiarities of
vocabulary or idiom that may represent a survival of some older form of expression or
some special development whose origin cannot be traced. They are especially
characteristic of the popular speech. When a person calls a certain kind of cheese
smearcase, we suspect contact at some time with the Pennsylvania Dutch settlements. In
the neighborhood of Boston one may call for a tonic when one wants only a soft drink. In
different parts of the country one may get sugar in a bag, a sack, or a poke, and may
either carry it or, in the South, tote it. The Philadelphian uses the word square not only
for a small city park but also for what Baedeker describes as “a rectangular mass of
buildings bounded by four streets,” and what is elsewhere known as a block. Within a