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A History of English Language

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The nineteenth century and after 325<br />

and completely new entries under the title Oxford <strong>English</strong> Dictionary Additions Series.<br />

Three volumes were published between 1993 and 1997.<br />

The influence <strong>of</strong> this great publication—the greatest dictionary <strong>of</strong> any language in the<br />

world—has been far-reaching. Its authority was recognized from the appearance <strong>of</strong> the<br />

first installment. It has provided a wealth <strong>of</strong> exact data on which many questions relating<br />

to the history <strong>of</strong> the language have been resolved. But it has had a further important effect<br />

that was scarcely contemplated by the little committee <strong>of</strong> the Philological Society to<br />

which it owed its inception. It has pr<strong>of</strong>oundly influenced the attitude <strong>of</strong> many people<br />

toward language, and toward the <strong>English</strong> language in particular. By exhibiting the history<br />

<strong>of</strong> words and idioms, their forms and various spellings, their changes <strong>of</strong> meaning, the<br />

way words rise and fall in the levels <strong>of</strong> usage, and many other phenomena, it has<br />

increased our linguistic perspective and taught us to view many questions <strong>of</strong> language in<br />

a more scientific and less dogmatic way. When historians <strong>of</strong> <strong>English</strong> a century or two<br />

hence attempt to evaluate the effect <strong>of</strong> the Oxford Dictionary on the <strong>English</strong> language<br />

they may quite possibly say that it exerted its chief force in making us historically<br />

minded about matters <strong>of</strong> <strong>English</strong> speech.<br />

235. Grammatical Tendencies.<br />

The several factors already discussed as giving stability to <strong>English</strong> grammar (§ 152)—the<br />

printing press, popular education, improvements in travel and communication, social<br />

consciousness—have been particularly effective during the past two centuries. Very few<br />

changes in grammatical forms and conventions are to be observed. There has been some<br />

schoolmastering <strong>of</strong> the language. The substitution <strong>of</strong> you were for you was in the singular<br />

occurs about 1820, and it is I is now seldom heard. What was left <strong>of</strong> the subjunctive<br />

mood in occasional use has disappeared except in conditions contrary to fact (if I were<br />

you). Some tendency toward loss <strong>of</strong> inflection, although we have but little to lose, is<br />

noticeable in informal speech. The nonstandard he don’t represents an attempt to<br />

eliminate the ending <strong>of</strong> the third person singular and reduce this verb in the negative to a<br />

uniform do in the present tense. Likewise the widespread practice <strong>of</strong> disregarding the<br />

objective case form whom in the interrogative (Who do you want?) illus-trates the same<br />

impulse. Though some people are shocked by the latter “error,” it has a long and<br />

honorable history. Shakespeare <strong>of</strong>ten commits it, and historically the reduction <strong>of</strong> case<br />

forms in this pronoun is as justifiable as that in the second person (you for ye; cf. §<br />

182). 52 Occasionally a new grammatical convention may be seen springing up. The get<br />

passive (he got hurt) is largely a nineteenth-century development, called into being<br />

because he is hurt is too static, he became hurt too formal. This construction is noted only<br />

from 1652 53 and is unusual before the nineteenth century. One other tendency is<br />

sufficiently important to be noticed separately, the extension <strong>of</strong> verb-adverb<br />

combinations discussed in the following paragraph.

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