Final Report of the International Commission on the - Minority Rights ...

[longer] move.” After several weeks, most died <strong>of</strong> starvation, and <strong>the</strong> rest were utterly exhausted. At first,
one prisoner was to maintain order in <strong>the</strong> camp. This task became unnecessary, however, since <strong>the</strong> Jews
were too weak to escape. The external guard was also relaxed, and Ukrainian policemen entered <strong>the</strong> camp
only occasionally to conduct routine inspections. Romanian gendarmes bought Jews’ clothing in
exchange for a few potatoes and <strong>the</strong> Ukrainian policemen followed suit, though this “business” was
prohibited. Driven by hunger, most inmates were soon nearly naked, covered in rags or thick wrapping
paper. The few Jews chosen by policemen in <strong>the</strong> winter <strong>of</strong> 1942 to work in <strong>the</strong> camps and in <strong>the</strong> area did
so barefooted.
Starvation was not <strong>the</strong> only killer in Akmechetka. Most prisoners became infected with typhoid fever
and suffered from dysentery and furunculosis. Malaria and tetanus claimed lives, as well. The Jews in
Akmechetka received no medical treatment. Of <strong>the</strong> approximately 4,000 Jews initially sent to <strong>the</strong> camp,
only several hundred were still alive in May. Despite <strong>the</strong> high death rate, <strong>the</strong>re were usually a few
hundred Jews in <strong>the</strong> camp at any time since, as <strong>of</strong> April, Isopescu directed all <strong>the</strong> “human garbage”—
Jews regularly sent by <strong>the</strong> government to Akmechetka—<strong>the</strong> “kingdom <strong>of</strong> death.” There was ano<strong>the</strong>r
typhus outbreak in <strong>the</strong> area that month, and on May 24 <strong>the</strong> prefect sent a telegram to <strong>the</strong> gendarmerie
headquarters in Transnistria: “Instead <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Bogdanovka camp, I have reserved Akmechetka, also located
in <strong>the</strong> Domanovka subdistrict, for <strong>the</strong> Yids. I <strong>the</strong>refore request that you send no more Yids to
Bogdanovka but [ra<strong>the</strong>r] to Domanovka, and from <strong>the</strong>re <strong>the</strong>y will be escorted to <strong>the</strong> Akmechetka camp.”
Akmechetka struck terror in <strong>the</strong> hearts <strong>of</strong> all <strong>the</strong> Jews in Golta—<strong>the</strong> survivors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Romanian mass
murders as well as <strong>the</strong> more recently arrived deportees, who trickled into <strong>the</strong> area until early 1943. The
deputy prefect used <strong>the</strong> name Akmechetka to extort money from <strong>the</strong> Jews sent directly from Romania to
Golta in <strong>the</strong> summer <strong>of</strong> 1942. His threat could be summed up in one sentence: “Akmechetka awaits you.”
The Odessa Massacres
The ordeal <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 120,000 Odessan Jews rivaled that in <strong>the</strong> camps on <strong>the</strong> Bug. Contrary to Romanian
propaganda, <strong>the</strong> Jews—who numbered from 70,000 to 120,000 when Odessa was captured—were no
darlings <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Soviet regime. As <strong>the</strong> siege wore on, antisemitism increased, particularly in working-class
neighborhoods, peaking on <strong>the</strong> eve <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> evacuation <strong>of</strong> Odessa. In mid-September, after German planes
dropped antisemitic leaflets over <strong>the</strong> city, young hooligans in one such district organized anti-Jewish
rallies, chanting <strong>the</strong> old Czarist slogan: “Strike <strong>the</strong> Jews and save Russia.”
The Tenth Infantry Division entering <strong>the</strong> city October 16, 1941, was ordered to ga<strong>the</strong>r “all <strong>the</strong> Jewish
men aged 15-50 and <strong>the</strong> Jews who had fled from Bessarabia.” Some murders took place near <strong>the</strong> port and
included victims who had not managed to board <strong>the</strong> last boats leaving Odessa. On October 17, <strong>the</strong>
Romanian military authorities called for a census, leading to <strong>the</strong> establishment <strong>of</strong> several registration and
classification centers around <strong>the</strong> city. On October 18, Romanian soldiers began taking hostages,
especially Jews. Some were dragged from <strong>the</strong>ir homes, while o<strong>the</strong>rs were arrested upon reporting to <strong>the</strong>
checkpoints. The municipal prison was turned into a large camp <strong>of</strong> Jews. From October 18, 1941, until
mid-March 1942, <strong>the</strong> Romanian military in Odessa, aided by gendarmes and police, murdered up to
25,000 Jews and deported over 35,000.
On <strong>the</strong> evening <strong>of</strong> October 22, <strong>the</strong> center and right wings <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Romanian military general
headquarters exploded, killing sixteen Romanian <strong>of</strong>ficers (including <strong>the</strong> city’s military commander,
General Ion Glogojanu), four German naval <strong>of</strong>ficers, forty-six o<strong>the</strong>r members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Romanian military,
and several civilians. The command <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Tenth Division had formerly served as NKVD (<strong>the</strong> Soviet
secret police) headquarters. Warnings had been issued as early as September that “<strong>the</strong> fleeing Communist
units not only mined certain buildings and locations, <strong>the</strong>y installed explosives inside certain objects and
even toys.” Immediately upon learning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> disaster, Antonescu ordered General Iosif Iacobici, chief <strong>of</strong>