Final Report of the International Commission on the - Minority Rights ...

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Determining <strong>the</strong> Number <strong>of</strong> Victims The number <strong>of</strong> Romanian Jews and <strong>of</strong> Jews in <strong>the</strong> territories under Romania’s control who were murdered during <strong>the</strong> Holocaust has not been determined with final precision. However, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Commission</strong> concludes that between 280,000 and 380,000 Romanian and Ukrainian Jews were murdered or died during <strong>the</strong> Holocaust in Romania and <strong>the</strong> territories under its control. An additional 135,000 Romanian Jews living under Hungarian control in Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Transylvania also perished in <strong>the</strong> Holocaust, as did some 5,000 Romanian Jews in o<strong>the</strong>r countries. Referring to Romania, Raul Hilberg concluded that “no country, besides Germany, was involved in massacres <strong>of</strong> Jews on such a scale.” Cognizant <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> enormous responsibility that has been placed in its hands, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Commission</strong> determined not to cite one conclusive statistic as to <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> Jews killed in Romania and <strong>the</strong> territories under its rule. Instead, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Commission</strong> chose to define <strong>the</strong> range <strong>of</strong> numbers as <strong>the</strong>y are represented in contemporary research. Fur<strong>the</strong>r research will hopefully establish <strong>the</strong> exact number <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> victims, though <strong>the</strong>re may never be a full statistical picture <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> human carnage wrought during <strong>the</strong> Holocaust in Romania. Between 45,000 and 60,000 Jews were killed in Bessarabia and Bukovina by Romanian and German troops in 1941. Between 105,000 and 120,000 deported Romanian Jews died as a result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> expulsions to Transnistria. In Transnistria between 115,000 and 180,000 indigenous Jews were killed, especially in Odessa and <strong>the</strong> counties <strong>of</strong> Golta and Berezovka. At least 15,000 Jews from <strong>the</strong> Regat were murdered in <strong>the</strong> Iasi pogrom and as a result <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r anti-Jewish measures. Approximately 132.000 Jews were deported to Auschwitz in May-June 1944 from Hungarian-ruled Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Transylvania. Detailed information about <strong>the</strong> origin <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se statistics, <strong>the</strong> calculation, and references are provided in <strong>the</strong> relevant chapters <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> report. A high proportion <strong>of</strong> those Roma who were deported also died. Of <strong>the</strong> 25,000 Roma (half <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m children) sent to Transnistria, approximately 11,000 perished. Centuries-old nomadic Roma communities disappeared forever. Evolution <strong>of</strong> Destruction The story <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> near destruction <strong>of</strong> Romanian Jewry during <strong>the</strong> Second World War is filled with paradoxes. Throughout <strong>the</strong> 1920s and 1930s, <strong>the</strong> antisemitic propaganda, instigation, and street violence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Iron Guard poisoned <strong>the</strong> political atmosphere and stirred up Romanians’ animosity toward <strong>the</strong> country’s Jewish population. During <strong>the</strong> period in which it played a role in government, from mid-1940 through to January 1941, it spearheaded <strong>the</strong> enactment <strong>of</strong> antisemitic laws and decrees that severely damaged <strong>the</strong> Jews and prepared <strong>the</strong> way for <strong>the</strong>ir destruction by vilifying <strong>the</strong>m and depriving <strong>the</strong>m <strong>of</strong> rights, property, dignity, and, for <strong>the</strong> most part, <strong>the</strong> organizational and material means <strong>of</strong> self-defense. The victims <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Legionnaire pogroms <strong>of</strong> January 1941 were few in number compared to those who perished at <strong>the</strong> hands <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Romanian government, army, and gendarmerie later on. While <strong>the</strong> Iron Guard advocated violent action against <strong>the</strong> Jews and is <strong>of</strong>ten blamed for <strong>the</strong> Holocaust in Romania, and while many former members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Iron Guard and many Iron Guard sympathizers took part in <strong>the</strong> systematic forced deportations and murders <strong>of</strong> Jews that began in 1941, <strong>the</strong> Iron Guard as an organization had been banned by <strong>the</strong> time most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> killing took place, and its leadership (most <strong>of</strong> which had fled to Nazi Germany under SS protection) played no role in <strong>the</strong> country’s government. Direct responsibility for <strong>the</strong> Holocaust in Romania falls squarely on <strong>the</strong> Antonescu-led Romanian state. In Romania, as in Hungary in 1941 and Bulgaria in 1942, anti-Jewish discrimination was compounded by geography. Jews were killed first and foremost in territories that had changed hands and were annexed to <strong>the</strong>se countries. In Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Bukovina and Bessarabia, territories once lost to and <strong>the</strong>n
egained from <strong>the</strong> USSR, Jews were being deported and murdered, while in Bucharest, paradoxically, leaders <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jewish community were engaged in a dialogue with <strong>the</strong> government aimed at saving <strong>the</strong>m. Branded enemies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Romanian nation along with <strong>the</strong> rest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir kinsmen by an ugly <strong>of</strong>ficial propaganda, those leaders never<strong>the</strong>less proved able to maintain channels <strong>of</strong> communication with Romanian <strong>of</strong>ficials. Although <strong>the</strong> Romanian leadership and bureaucracy shared Germany’s desire to liquidate <strong>the</strong> Jews, <strong>the</strong>y coordinated <strong>the</strong>ir efforts with <strong>the</strong> Germans with difficulty and only for limited periods. Differences over matters <strong>of</strong> style, timing, and methodology triggered negative reactions from <strong>the</strong> Germans, who were <strong>of</strong>ten angered by <strong>the</strong> Romanians’ inefficient pogrom “techniques,” <strong>the</strong> improvised nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “death marches,” <strong>the</strong> haste <strong>of</strong> Romanian <strong>of</strong>ficials in pressing huge columns <strong>of</strong> deportees across <strong>the</strong> Dniester in 1941 and <strong>the</strong> Bug in 1942, and <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> Romanians <strong>of</strong>ten did this with little clear plan for what to do with <strong>the</strong> Jews once <strong>the</strong>y were <strong>the</strong>re, or even expected <strong>the</strong> Germans to handle <strong>the</strong> problem for <strong>the</strong>m. In addition, in early 1943, Romanian policy was influenced by Realpolitik. German pressure to hand over <strong>the</strong> Jews <strong>of</strong> Old Romania produced a counter-effect: no foreign power would be allowed to dictate to Romanian nationalists what to do with <strong>the</strong>ir Jews. In <strong>the</strong> summer <strong>of</strong> 1942, <strong>the</strong> Antonescu regime agreed in writing to deport <strong>the</strong> Jews <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Regat and sou<strong>the</strong>rn Transylvania to <strong>the</strong> Nazi death camp in Belzec, Poland, and was planning new deportations to Transnistria. Yet only months later, <strong>the</strong> same Romanian <strong>of</strong>ficials reversed course and resisted German pressure to deport <strong>the</strong>ir country’s Jews to death camps in Poland. Initially, Romania had also approved <strong>the</strong> German deportation <strong>of</strong> Romanian Jews from Germany and German-occupied territories, which resulted in <strong>the</strong> death <strong>of</strong> about 5,000 Romanian citizens. But when <strong>the</strong> shifting tides <strong>of</strong> war changed minds in Bucharest, thousands <strong>of</strong> Romanian Jews living abroad were able to survive thanks to renewed Romanian diplomatic protection. And while Romanian Jews may have been deported en masse to Transnistria, thousands were subsequently (if selectively) repatriated. Ironically, as <strong>the</strong> vast German camp system realized its greatest potential for killing, <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> murders committed by <strong>the</strong> Romanians decreased, as did <strong>the</strong> determination with which <strong>the</strong>y enforced <strong>the</strong>ir country’s antisemitic laws. Such contradictions go a long way toward explaining <strong>the</strong> survival <strong>of</strong> a large portion Romania’s Jews under Romanian authority. Documents do record some instances <strong>of</strong> Romanians — both civilian and military—rescuing Jews, and many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se have been recognized by Yad Vashem as “Righteous Among <strong>the</strong> Nations.” But <strong>the</strong>se initiatives were isolated cases in <strong>the</strong> final analysis — exceptions to <strong>the</strong> general rule, which was terror, forced labor, plunder, rape, deportation, and murder, with <strong>the</strong> participation or at least <strong>the</strong> acquiescence <strong>of</strong> a significant proportion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population. The treatment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jews from Bessarabia, Bukovina, and Transnistria triggered a series <strong>of</strong> external and internal appeals, which influenced Ion Antonescu’s decision to cancel <strong>the</strong> planned deportations from Moldavia, Walachia, and sou<strong>the</strong>rn Transylvania. Swiss diplomats tried to intervene. The question <strong>of</strong> whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> Papal Nuncio appealed on behalf <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jews is still a matter <strong>of</strong> debate and merits fur<strong>the</strong>r research. The American War Refugee Board, established in January 1944, was involved in <strong>the</strong> rescue <strong>of</strong> orphans from Transnistria. <strong>International</strong> Red Cross representatives visited some ghettos in Transnistria in December 1943 and were involved in <strong>the</strong> rescue <strong>of</strong> orphans from this area. The Jewish Agency, <strong>the</strong> World Jewish Congress, and <strong>the</strong> Jewish Emergency Committee in <strong>the</strong> United States appealed to <strong>the</strong> Romanian government to put a stop to <strong>the</strong> persecution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jews. Within <strong>the</strong> framework <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> negotiations with Radu Lecca at <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> 1942, <strong>the</strong> Jewish Agency proposed to transfer <strong>the</strong> Jews who had survived in Transnistria first to Romania and <strong>the</strong>n to enable <strong>the</strong>m to leave. The ransom plan was viewed as a possibility to make <strong>the</strong> Romanian government change its policy or at least to win time. And indeed various liberal, or simply decent, Romanian politicians and public figures occasionally intervened on
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Final Repo
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Germany’s war against the
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which includes reputed experts led
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BACKGROUND AND PRECURSORS TO THE HO
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against which antisemites in <stron
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declaring in the p
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them. Thus, he con
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We must organize ourselves for a wa
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ureaucracy of wart
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this direction by Nicolae C. Paules
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promising leader of</strong
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organized a tariff and tax strike.
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Legion of
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less so in Romanian society as a wh
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This ambiguous, self-contradictory
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The Gigurtu government began to con
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The Case of Român
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Cuza’s argument that it is possib
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Românesc,” Sociologie Româneasc
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ole in the early 1
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European states, notably Romania an
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Germany's immediate interests at <s
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eligious communities, the</
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counterpart, “when [he] first met
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de Istorie şi Arheologie, “A. D.
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Romania. Muler to Luthe</st
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demands on territorial revisions an
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military mission to come to Romania
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High Command, informing the
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The Jews and the R
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Romanian army. Thus, in Ciudei in <
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antisemitism in Romanian society an
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Ibid., fond Micro-films, roll I.II,
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manifestations of
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power, as this power colonized West
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attraction, many Jews resettled in
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to defend itself; hence its support
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about the Holocaus
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Nichifor Crainic, “Dupa douazeci
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Isaia Tolan, “Revizuirea incetate
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X. Y. Z., “Rezolvarea problemei e
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andom searches and arrests, robberi
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Bucharest Prefectura. Almost two th
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epression was not ordered by Antone
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from villages and small towns. On J
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accident; it was contrived by <stro
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The second train to leave Iasi for
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care of th
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"premilitary," were also placed at
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according to the o
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Tighina Agreement On August 30, Tra
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elieved Transnistria would be occup
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the 331,000 Ukrain
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those inside to take the</s
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[longer] move.” After several wee
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eappear a few seconds later and sig
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operation and that “some
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Bukovina and Bessarabia. Einsatzkom
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other things, <str
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Berezovka district and burn <strong
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them in exchange f
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transport of 2,000
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Bulgarian, Turkish, Italian, or Swi
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were at least 122,000 Jews. Bukovin
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Wilhelm Hoettl, The Secret Front: T
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Ancel, Documents, vol. 2: no. 136,
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Carp, Cartea neagra, vol. 3: pp. 30
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Gosudartsveni Archiv Odeskoi Oblast
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Cable from the Mil
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1-1087, p. 114; list of</st
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Ibid. “Rezolvarea problemei evrei
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child’s birth, would be considere
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Indeed, the system
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Romanianization instead of<
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The Cultural Ghettoization
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The Status of Jewi
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give up any radios able to send and
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Conclusions The anti-Jewish legisla
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L.A., no. 99, p. 344. Trei ani de g
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moral, social, and intellectual nee
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gradually, in reality the</
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except being defined as a Jew. I be
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egulate and authorize, under <stron
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y Lecca: Jews were privileged, and
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through the activi
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oth as a cry of re
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After coming to power, the<
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and then to send <
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their non-evacuate
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villages of <stron
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Return of Roma Sur
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(in many cases, the</strong
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in Romania. History and Contemporar
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THE ROLE OF ION ANTONESCU IN THE PL
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December 16, 1941, meeting
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me from carrying out the</s
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did not do it because…the
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more ironically, this leader’s wa
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THE HOLOCAUST IN NORTHERN TRANSYLVA
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Others 22 968 Magy
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ultimatum but also consented to <st
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military, political, and psychologi
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command over the g
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Huedin. The Jews of</strong
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authorities set up two ghettos in <
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Secuilor counties was carried out i
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the procedure foll
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deportation trains per day. While E
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Deportation Trains from Nor
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Câtcău Kackó Ciuc Csík Ciucea C
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Rona de Sus Felsöróna Rozavica Ro
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Bözödújfalu Bezidu Nou Budfalva
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Nagysajó Şieu (Bistrita-Nasaud Co
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(Indictment of Naz
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Randolph L. Braham, comp. and ed. (
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perceived by a significant part <st
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Romanian government not to adopt <s
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still alive in the
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the Jews who worke
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We have been informed that various
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church bells announce the</
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Mitropolit pleaded with Mihai Anton
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Pozdnyakova, Yefrosiniya Starostina
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Ibid., pp. 224-225. Ibid., pp. 46-4
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the examined cases
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escape with negligible punishment;
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immense scale, enslaved millions <s
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Page 261 and 262: viaţă, 100 milioane lei amendă
Page 263 and 264: Articolul 15 al Convenţiei de armi
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Page 267 and 268: camp in January 1945, for several m
Page 269 and 270: Beginning in the 1
Page 271 and 272: such access was strictly supervised
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Page 283 and 284: Finally, it must b
Page 285 and 286: A.) Integral Negationism Although <
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Page 289 and 290: mankind, such as wars; the<
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Page 293 and 294: After deploring the</strong
Page 295 and 296: Michael Shafir, “Ex Occidente Obs
Page 297 and 298: See, for example, Giurescu who make
Page 299 and 300: Randolph L. Braham, Romanian Nation
Page 301 and 302: Mediafax, March 18, 2002, Monitorul
Page 303 and 304: See Ibidem, pp. 3, 54-55. Ibidem, p
Page 305: Radu Theodoru, Mareşalul, Editura
Page 309 and 310: was a record of an
Page 311 and 312: secondary school use. Those institu
Page 313: including erecting statues, mountin
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