Final Report of the International Commission on the - Minority Rights ...

More documents

Recommendations

Info

lack <strong>of</strong> sanitary facilities, absence <strong>of</strong> bathing opportunities, as well as inclement wea<strong>the</strong>r led to serious health problems in many places. The water supply for <strong>the</strong> many thousands <strong>of</strong> ghetto inhabitants usually consisted <strong>of</strong> a limited number <strong>of</strong> faucets, several <strong>of</strong> which were <strong>of</strong>ten out <strong>of</strong> order for days on end. Ditches dug by <strong>the</strong> Jews <strong>the</strong>mselves were used as latrines. Minor illnesses and ordinary colds, <strong>of</strong> course, were practically ubiquitous. Many people also succumbed to serious diseases including dysentery, typhoid, and pneumonia. The poor health situation was compounded by <strong>the</strong> generally barbaric behavior <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gendarmes and police <strong>of</strong>ficers guarding <strong>the</strong> ghettos. In each ghetto <strong>the</strong> authorities set aside a separate building to serve as a “mint” - <strong>the</strong> place where sadistic gendarmes and detectives would torture Jews into confessing where <strong>the</strong>y hid <strong>the</strong>ir valuables. Their technique was basically <strong>the</strong> same everywhere. Husbands were <strong>of</strong>ten tortured in full view <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir wives and children; <strong>of</strong>ten wives were beaten in front <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir husbands or children tortured in front <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir parents. The devices used were cruel and unusually barbaric. The victims were beaten on <strong>the</strong> soles <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir feet with canes or rubber truncheons; <strong>the</strong>y were slapped in <strong>the</strong> face, and kicked until <strong>the</strong>y lost consciousness. Males were <strong>of</strong>ten beaten on <strong>the</strong> testicles; females, sometimes even young girls, were searched vaginally by collaborating female volunteers and midwives who cared little about cleanliness, <strong>of</strong>ten in full view <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> male interrogators. Some particularly sadistic investigators used electrical devices to compel <strong>the</strong> victims into confession. They would put one end <strong>of</strong> such a device in <strong>the</strong> mouth and <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r in <strong>the</strong> vagina or attached to <strong>the</strong> testicles <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> victims. These brutal tortures drove many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> victims to insanity or suicide. Though in some communities <strong>the</strong>re were local <strong>of</strong>ficials who endeavored to act as humanely as possible under those extraordinary conditions, <strong>the</strong>ir example was <strong>the</strong> exception ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong> rule. The Major Ghetto Centers Cluj. The ghetto <strong>of</strong> Cluj was one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> largest in Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Transylvania. As elsewhere in <strong>the</strong> region, <strong>the</strong> ghettoization, which began on May 3, 1944, was preceded by an announcement posted all over <strong>the</strong> city <strong>the</strong> day before. Issued under <strong>the</strong> signature <strong>of</strong> Lajos Hollóssy-Kuthy, <strong>the</strong> deputy police chief, <strong>the</strong> text <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> announcement was also published in <strong>the</strong> local press on May 3. The Jews <strong>of</strong> Cluj and <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> communities in Cluj County were concentrated in a ghetto established in <strong>the</strong> Iris Brickyard, in <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> city. The specifics <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> concentration operation were worked out at a meeting held on May 2 under <strong>the</strong> leadership <strong>of</strong> László Vásárhelyi, <strong>the</strong> mayor, László Urbán, <strong>the</strong> police chief, and Gendarmerie Col. Paksy-Kiss. The meeting, attended by approximately 150 <strong>of</strong>ficials <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> municipality who were assigned to <strong>the</strong> roundup operations, was devoted to <strong>the</strong> details <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ghettoization process as outlined in <strong>the</strong> decree and during <strong>the</strong> conference with Endre held at Satu Mare on April 26. The Hungarian <strong>of</strong>ficials <strong>of</strong> Cluj received expert guidance in <strong>the</strong> anti-Jewish drive from SS- Hauptsturmführer Strohschneider, <strong>the</strong> local commander <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> German security services. The ghettoization was carried out at a rapid pace. By May 10 <strong>the</strong> ghetto population reached 12,000. At its peak just before <strong>the</strong> deportation, by <strong>the</strong>n including <strong>the</strong> Jews transferred from <strong>the</strong> ghetto <strong>of</strong> Gherla, it was close to 18,000. In addition to <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficers noted above, <strong>the</strong> following <strong>of</strong>ficials were also heavily involved in <strong>the</strong> anti- Jewish drive: József Forgács, <strong>the</strong> secretary general <strong>of</strong> Cluj County representing <strong>the</strong> deputy prefect; Lajos Hollóssy-Kuthy, deputy police chief; Géza Papp, a high-ranking police <strong>of</strong>ficial; and Kázmér Taar, a top <strong>of</strong>ficial in <strong>the</strong> mayor’s <strong>of</strong>fice. Overall command <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ghettoization process in Cluj County, except Cluj, was exercised by Ferenc Szász, <strong>the</strong> deputy prefect <strong>of</strong> Cluj County, and by József Székely, <strong>the</strong> mayor <strong>of</strong>
Huedin. The Jews <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> various towns and villages in <strong>the</strong> county were first concentrated in <strong>the</strong>ir localities, usually in <strong>the</strong> synagogue or a related Jewish institution. After a short while and a first round <strong>of</strong> expropriations, <strong>the</strong>y were transferred to <strong>the</strong> ghetto in Cluj. Among <strong>the</strong> Jews transferred to <strong>the</strong> ghetto <strong>of</strong> Cluj were those from <strong>the</strong> many communities in <strong>the</strong> districts <strong>of</strong> Borşa, Cluj, Hida, Huedin, and Nadasdia. Next to <strong>the</strong> Jewish community <strong>of</strong> Cluj, by far <strong>the</strong> largest communities brought into <strong>the</strong> Iris Brickyard were those <strong>of</strong> Huedin and Gherla. The Jews <strong>of</strong> Huedin were rounded up under <strong>the</strong> command and supervision <strong>of</strong> Székely, Pál Boldizsár, <strong>the</strong> city’s supply <strong>of</strong>ficial; József Orosz, <strong>the</strong> police chief; and police <strong>of</strong>ficers and detectives Ferenc Menyhért, András Szentkúti, András Lakatos, and Sándor Ojtózi. The brickyard ghetto <strong>of</strong> Gherla included close to 1,600 Jews. Of <strong>the</strong>se, nearly 400 were from <strong>the</strong> town itself; <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs were brought in from <strong>the</strong> neighboring communities in <strong>the</strong> Gherla district. The transfer <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se Jews into <strong>the</strong> Cluj ghetto was carried out under <strong>the</strong> command <strong>of</strong> Lajos Tamási, <strong>the</strong> mayor <strong>of</strong> Gherla, and Ernö Berecki and András Iványi, <strong>the</strong> chief police <strong>of</strong>ficers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> town. The ghetto <strong>of</strong> Cluj was under <strong>the</strong> direct command <strong>of</strong> Urbán. The internal administration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ghetto was entrusted to a Jewish Council consisting <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> traditional leaders <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> local Jewish community. It was headed by József Fischer, <strong>the</strong> head <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> city’s Neolog community, and included Rabbi Akiba Glasner, József Fenichel, Gyula Klein, Ernö Marton, editor-in-chief <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Új Kelet (New East), Zsigmond Léb, and Rabbi Mózes Weinberger (later Carmilly-Weinberger). Its secretary general was József Moskovits, and Deszö Hermann <strong>the</strong> secretary. Fischer reputedly was one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> few provincial Jewish leaders who were fully informed about <strong>the</strong> realities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Nazis’ <strong>Final</strong> Solution program. He and his family were among <strong>the</strong> 388 Jews who were removed from <strong>the</strong> ghetto <strong>of</strong> Cluj and taken to Budapest - and eventually to freedom - on June 10, 1944, as part <strong>of</strong> Kasztner’s controversial deal with <strong>the</strong> SS. The ghetto was evacuated in six transports, with <strong>the</strong> first deportation on May 25 and <strong>the</strong> last on June 9. Dej. The ghetto <strong>of</strong> Dej included most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jews in Someş County. Under <strong>the</strong> administrative leadership <strong>of</strong> Prefect Béla Bethlen, <strong>the</strong> county was represented at <strong>the</strong> 26 April conference with Endre in Satu Mare by János Schilling, <strong>the</strong> deputy prefect; Jenö Veress, <strong>the</strong> mayor <strong>of</strong> Dej; Lajos Tamási, <strong>the</strong> mayor <strong>of</strong> Gherla; Gyula Sárosi, <strong>the</strong> police chief <strong>of</strong> Dej; Ernö Berecki, <strong>the</strong> police chief <strong>of</strong> Gherla; and Pál Antalffy, <strong>the</strong> commander <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gendarmerie in Someş. The objectives and decisions <strong>of</strong> this conference were communicated to <strong>the</strong> chief civil service, gendarmerie, and police <strong>of</strong>ficers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> county at a special meeting convened and chaired by Schilling on 30 April. As elsewhere, <strong>the</strong> ghettoization drive began on May 3. The roundup <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jews in <strong>the</strong> county was carried out under <strong>the</strong> command <strong>of</strong> Antalffy. The ghetto <strong>of</strong> Dej was among <strong>the</strong> most miserable in Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Transylvania. At <strong>the</strong> insistence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> virulently anti-Semitic local city <strong>of</strong>ficials, it was set up in a forest – <strong>the</strong> so-called Bungur -- situated about two miles from <strong>the</strong> city. At its peak, <strong>the</strong> ghetto included around 7,800 Jews, including close to 3,700 from <strong>the</strong> town itself. The o<strong>the</strong>rs were brought in from <strong>the</strong> rural communities in Someş County, many <strong>of</strong> whom were first assembled in <strong>the</strong> seats <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> districts <strong>of</strong> Beclean, Chiochiş, Dej, Gherla, Ileanda, and Lăpuş. The luckier among <strong>the</strong> ghetto dwellers lived in makeshift barracks; <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs found shelter in homemade tents or lived under <strong>the</strong> open sky. Before <strong>the</strong>ir transfer to <strong>the</strong> Bungur, <strong>the</strong> Jews <strong>of</strong> Dej were concentrated into three centers within <strong>the</strong> city, where <strong>the</strong>y were subjected to body searches for valuables. The ghetto, surrounded by barbed wire, was guarded by <strong>the</strong> local police supplemented by a special unit <strong>of</strong> 40 gendarmes assigned from Zalău. Supreme command over <strong>the</strong> ghetto was in <strong>the</strong> hands <strong>of</strong> Takáts, a “government commissioner.” The internal administration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ghetto was entrusted to a Jewish
Page 1 and 2:
Final Repo
Page 3 and 4:
Germany’s war against the
Page 5 and 6:
which includes reputed experts led
Page 7 and 8:
BACKGROUND AND PRECURSORS TO THE HO
Page 9 and 10:
against which antisemites in <stron
Page 11 and 12:
declaring in the p
Page 13 and 14:
them. Thus, he con
Page 15 and 16:
We must organize ourselves for a wa
Page 17 and 18:
ureaucracy of wart
Page 19 and 20:
this direction by Nicolae C. Paules
Page 21 and 22:
promising leader of</strong
Page 23 and 24:
organized a tariff and tax strike.
Page 25 and 26:
Legion of
Page 27 and 28:
less so in Romanian society as a wh
Page 29 and 30:
This ambiguous, self-contradictory
Page 31 and 32:
The Gigurtu government began to con
Page 33 and 34:
The Case of Român
Page 35 and 36:
Cuza’s argument that it is possib
Page 37 and 38:
Românesc,” Sociologie Româneasc
Page 39 and 40:
ole in the early 1
Page 41 and 42:
European states, notably Romania an
Page 43 and 44:
Germany's immediate interests at <s
Page 45 and 46:
eligious communities, the</
Page 47 and 48:
counterpart, “when [he] first met
Page 49 and 50:
de Istorie şi Arheologie, “A. D.
Page 51 and 52:
Romania. Muler to Luthe</st
Page 53 and 54:
demands on territorial revisions an
Page 55 and 56:
military mission to come to Romania
Page 57 and 58:
High Command, informing the
Page 59 and 60:
The Jews and the R
Page 61 and 62:
Romanian army. Thus, in Ciudei in <
Page 63 and 64:
antisemitism in Romanian society an
Page 65 and 66:
Ibid., fond Micro-films, roll I.II,
Page 67 and 68:
manifestations of
Page 69 and 70:
power, as this power colonized West
Page 71 and 72:
attraction, many Jews resettled in
Page 73 and 74:
to defend itself; hence its support
Page 75 and 76:
about the Holocaus
Page 77 and 78:
Nichifor Crainic, “Dupa douazeci
Page 79 and 80:
Isaia Tolan, “Revizuirea incetate
Page 81 and 82:
X. Y. Z., “Rezolvarea problemei e
Page 83 and 84:
andom searches and arrests, robberi
Page 85 and 86:
Bucharest Prefectura. Almost two th
Page 87 and 88:
epression was not ordered by Antone
Page 89 and 90:
from villages and small towns. On J
Page 91 and 92:
accident; it was contrived by <stro
Page 93 and 94:
The second train to leave Iasi for
Page 95 and 96:
care of th
Page 97 and 98:
"premilitary," were also placed at
Page 99 and 100:
according to the o
Page 101 and 102:
Tighina Agreement On August 30, Tra
Page 103 and 104:
elieved Transnistria would be occup
Page 105 and 106:
the 331,000 Ukrain
Page 107 and 108:
those inside to take the</s
Page 109 and 110:
[longer] move.” After several wee
Page 111 and 112:
eappear a few seconds later and sig
Page 113 and 114:
operation and that “some
Page 115 and 116:
Bukovina and Bessarabia. Einsatzkom
Page 117 and 118:
other things, <str
Page 119 and 120:
Berezovka district and burn <strong
Page 121 and 122:
them in exchange f
Page 123 and 124:
transport of 2,000
Page 125 and 126:
Bulgarian, Turkish, Italian, or Swi
Page 127 and 128:
were at least 122,000 Jews. Bukovin
Page 129 and 130:
Wilhelm Hoettl, The Secret Front: T
Page 131 and 132:
Ancel, Documents, vol. 2: no. 136,
Page 133 and 134:
Carp, Cartea neagra, vol. 3: pp. 30
Page 135 and 136:
Gosudartsveni Archiv Odeskoi Oblast
Page 137 and 138:
Cable from the Mil
Page 139 and 140:
1-1087, p. 114; list of</st
Page 141 and 142:
Ibid. “Rezolvarea problemei evrei
Page 143 and 144:
child’s birth, would be considere
Page 145 and 146:
Indeed, the system
Page 147 and 148:
Romanianization instead of<
Page 149 and 150:
The Cultural Ghettoization
Page 151 and 152:
The Status of Jewi
Page 153 and 154:
give up any radios able to send and
Page 155 and 156: Conclusions The anti-Jewish legisla
Page 157 and 158: L.A., no. 99, p. 344. Trei ani de g
Page 159 and 160: moral, social, and intellectual nee
Page 161 and 162: gradually, in reality the</
Page 163 and 164: except being defined as a Jew. I be
Page 165 and 166: egulate and authorize, under <stron
Page 167 and 168: y Lecca: Jews were privileged, and
Page 169 and 170: through the activi
Page 171 and 172: oth as a cry of re
Page 173 and 174: After coming to power, the<
Page 175 and 176: and then to send <
Page 177 and 178: their non-evacuate
Page 179 and 180: villages of <stron
Page 181 and 182: Return of Roma Sur
Page 183 and 184: (in many cases, the</strong
Page 185 and 186: in Romania. History and Contemporar
Page 187 and 188: THE ROLE OF ION ANTONESCU IN THE PL
Page 189 and 190: December 16, 1941, meeting
Page 191 and 192: me from carrying out the</s
Page 193 and 194: did not do it because…the
Page 195 and 196: more ironically, this leader’s wa
Page 197 and 198: THE HOLOCAUST IN NORTHERN TRANSYLVA
Page 199 and 200: Others 22 968 Magy
Page 201 and 202: ultimatum but also consented to <st
Page 203 and 204: military, political, and psychologi
Page 205: command over the g
Page 209 and 210: authorities set up two ghettos in <
Page 211 and 212: Secuilor counties was carried out i
Page 213 and 214: the procedure foll
Page 215 and 216: deportation trains per day. While E
Page 217 and 218: Deportation Trains from Nor
Page 219 and 220: Câtcău Kackó Ciuc Csík Ciucea C
Page 221 and 222: Rona de Sus Felsöróna Rozavica Ro
Page 223 and 224: Bözödújfalu Bezidu Nou Budfalva
Page 225 and 226: Nagysajó Şieu (Bistrita-Nasaud Co
Page 227 and 228: (Indictment of Naz
Page 229 and 230: Randolph L. Braham, comp. and ed. (
Page 231 and 232: perceived by a significant part <st
Page 233 and 234: Romanian government not to adopt <s
Page 235 and 236: still alive in the
Page 237 and 238: the Jews who worke
Page 239 and 240: We have been informed that various
Page 241 and 242: church bells announce the</
Page 243 and 244: Mitropolit pleaded with Mihai Anton
Page 245 and 246: Pozdnyakova, Yefrosiniya Starostina
Page 247 and 248: Ibid., pp. 224-225. Ibid., pp. 46-4
Page 249 and 250: the examined cases
Page 251 and 252: escape with negligible punishment;
Page 253 and 254: immense scale, enslaved millions <s
Page 255 and 256: means. The “ethnic Christian stat
Page 257 and 258:
it is evident that the</str
Page 259 and 260:
face să pară evident că victimel
Page 261 and 262:
viaţă, 100 milioane lei amendă
Page 263 and 264:
Articolul 15 al Convenţiei de armi
Page 265 and 266:
members accepted as authoritative s
Page 267 and 268:
camp in January 1945, for several m
Page 269 and 270:
Beginning in the 1
Page 271 and 272:
such access was strictly supervised
Page 273 and 274:
enefit from translation into Englis
Page 275 and 276:
furthermore, he ha
Page 277 and 278:
lucrative Jewish business ever,”
Page 279 and 280:
deaths of thousand
Page 281 and 282:
Treptow who was residing in Romania
Page 283 and 284:
Finally, it must b
Page 285 and 286:
A.) Integral Negationism Although <
Page 287 and 288:
other genocides re
Page 289 and 290:
mankind, such as wars; the<
Page 291 and 292:
age of 44, only on
Page 293 and 294:
After deploring the</strong
Page 295 and 296:
Michael Shafir, “Ex Occidente Obs
Page 297 and 298:
See, for example, Giurescu who make
Page 299 and 300:
Randolph L. Braham, Romanian Nation
Page 301 and 302:
Mediafax, March 18, 2002, Monitorul
Page 303 and 304:
See Ibidem, pp. 3, 54-55. Ibidem, p
Page 305 and 306:
Radu Theodoru, Mareşalul, Editura
Page 307 and 308:
egained from the U
Page 309 and 310:
was a record of an
Page 311 and 312:
secondary school use. Those institu
Page 313:
including erecting statues, mountin
show all

Final Report of the International Commission on the - Minority Rights ...

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

Delete template?

Save as template?