Final Report of the International Commission on the - Minority Rights ...

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During his trial Ion Antonescu acknowledged that between 150,000-170,000 Jews had been deported to Transnistria. However, he claimed that <strong>the</strong> deportation was actually intended to save <strong>the</strong> allegedly procommunist Jews from <strong>the</strong> population’s wrath and that he could “state with certainty that” had he not “dispatched <strong>the</strong>m to Transnistria, none <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m would have survived.” The claim was part <strong>of</strong> a memorandum written by <strong>the</strong> former Conducator in refutation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> indictment. In <strong>the</strong> same document, Antonescu stated, “I deported <strong>the</strong> Jews <strong>of</strong> Bessarabia and Bukovina [to Transnistria] for political military security reasons and for <strong>the</strong>ir own safety.” He claimed that in view <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fact that many Jews had been acting as Soviet spies, and due to <strong>the</strong> fact that Iron Guardists were preparing “a St. Bartholomew’s Night” against <strong>the</strong>m in cooperation with <strong>the</strong> Germans, <strong>the</strong> deportation was dictated by both military and safety reasons, and by his intention to save <strong>the</strong> Jews from a terrible fate at <strong>the</strong> hand <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Germans and pro-Nazi sympathizers in Romania. Unfortunately, he claimed, “carrying out” <strong>the</strong> order <strong>of</strong> deportation had been “destabilized” by <strong>the</strong> “<strong>the</strong>n-dominant spirit.” By “destabilization” <strong>the</strong> former state leader was euphemistically referring to <strong>the</strong> mass executions, death marches, and starvation carried out by Romanian police and army while implementing his orders. The harsh early winter conditions, “which also made many victims among <strong>the</strong> belligerent armies,” he claimed had added to <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> casualties among <strong>the</strong> deported, but “this was also <strong>the</strong> cause due to which <strong>the</strong> Germans lost <strong>the</strong> Moscow battle.” At <strong>the</strong> trial, <strong>the</strong> dictatorial state established by Antonescu was clearly defined as fascist, and critics <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> court’s legitimacy focused on <strong>the</strong> nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> court, as if this fact changed <strong>the</strong> nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> wartime Antonescu regime. The court was, as in o<strong>the</strong>r East European states, an ad hoc institution, a “people’s court” with judges and prosecutors with no judicial background serving alongside <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essional judiciary. The president, Al. Voitin Voitinovici, was just twenty-eight years old, a distant relation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Communist leader Lucretiu Patrascanu. The public prosecutors were Vasile Stoian, a completely unknown jurist, Constantin Dobrian, an examining magistrate from Timisoara, and Dumitru Săracu, a “worker” and former cook lacking any judicial training. The panel <strong>of</strong> judges included six “judges <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> people” drawn mainly from <strong>the</strong> Communist party or its affiliated organizations: two “workers” and a “peasant” proposed by <strong>the</strong> Communists, a “worker” from <strong>the</strong> Social-Democrat party, a National Liberal lawyer, and a “housewife from <strong>the</strong> National Peasants’ Party.” This composition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Court was and is used by those who wish to rehabilitate <strong>the</strong> fascist ideas, in order to shift attention from <strong>the</strong> content <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> indictments, <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> magnitude <strong>of</strong> crimes committed against Jews, Roma and focus on <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> judicial background <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> prosecution and judges. Behind <strong>the</strong> jargon <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> acts <strong>of</strong> indictment and <strong>the</strong> tone used in <strong>the</strong> courts, it is clear, when reading <strong>the</strong> material, sanitized <strong>of</strong> its political context from <strong>the</strong> postwar period, <strong>the</strong> Romanian fascists linked <strong>the</strong> solution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jewish question to <strong>the</strong> rejection <strong>of</strong> all Western democratic values, which <strong>the</strong>y declared a Jewish innovation and <strong>the</strong> embodiment <strong>of</strong> a social order created to serve Jewish interests. Thus, not only did <strong>the</strong>y hate Jews, <strong>the</strong>y also despised <strong>the</strong> ideas and concepts that had evolved since <strong>the</strong> French Revolution and that represented fundamental values in Western society: liberalism, tolerance, democracy, capitalism, freedom <strong>of</strong> speech, freedom <strong>of</strong> organization, free elections, civil rights, and even <strong>the</strong> notion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> citizen. These ideas made Romania ripe for <strong>the</strong> advent <strong>of</strong> a fascist regime in September 1940. In this context it is necessary to emphasize that it was not <strong>the</strong> German threat and German supremacy in Eastern Europe alone that promoted <strong>the</strong> advent <strong>of</strong> fascism in Romania: it was also <strong>the</strong> duplicity <strong>of</strong> Romanian “democratic” leaders, <strong>the</strong>ir interpretation <strong>of</strong> democracy and democratic values, <strong>the</strong>ir silent encouragement and tolerance <strong>of</strong> young hooligans and <strong>the</strong>ir violent actions, and <strong>the</strong>ir diversionary antisemitic tactics also facilitated <strong>the</strong> rise <strong>of</strong> Antonescu’s regime. Antonescu never referred to his regime as fascist, but he was able to portray his rule as springing from <strong>the</strong> Romanian heritage ra<strong>the</strong>r than being an imported formula. He did not redefine <strong>the</strong> goals <strong>of</strong> Romanian nationalism but sought ra<strong>the</strong>r to attain <strong>the</strong> goals that had been outlined by his predecessors using fascist
means. The “ethnic Christian state” that he established—in his words, “<strong>the</strong> national totalitarian regime”— opposed <strong>the</strong> “demo-liberal” regime <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> past, and was a genuine Romanian fascist state based on Romanian political and social philosophy that adopted Nazi methods <strong>of</strong> dealing with real or imaginary ethnic enemies. Antonescu’s regime’s fashioned its own decisions ra<strong>the</strong>r than having <strong>the</strong>m foisted upon it by <strong>the</strong> exigencies <strong>of</strong> an international situation beyond its control: <strong>the</strong> Romanian army was sent far beyond <strong>the</strong> national boundaries, even into Stalingrad; <strong>the</strong> anti-Soviet war was declared a holy anti-Communist, anti- Slav, and anti-Jewish war; <strong>the</strong> huge numbers <strong>of</strong> Jewish and Roma victims are <strong>the</strong> tragic result <strong>of</strong> this policy; <strong>the</strong> Jewish presence in Bessarabia and Bukovina was utterly expunged; many thousands <strong>of</strong> Russians and Ukrainians were robbed, looted, and shot; <strong>the</strong> Jewish minority in Romania was plundered, deprived <strong>of</strong> all civil rights, and forced to work for <strong>the</strong> benefit <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Romanian state; <strong>the</strong> German plan for <strong>the</strong> wholesale extermination <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jews was first accepted and <strong>the</strong>n rejected; and, last but not least, <strong>the</strong> Romanian National Bank was transformed into a depository for plundered cash and valuables. The full horror <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Antonescu regime’s crimes against <strong>the</strong> Jews, which were <strong>the</strong> most wide-ranging and terrible that it committed, were not fully known at <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> trial. They were, <strong>of</strong> course, mentioned and included in <strong>the</strong> indictment, but—given <strong>the</strong> fact that crucial Romanian matters were taboo, given <strong>the</strong> way <strong>the</strong> trial was organized and pursued, given <strong>the</strong> carefully selected audience and <strong>the</strong> censored press—<strong>the</strong>y did not touch <strong>the</strong> hearts <strong>of</strong> many Romanians. The vast majority <strong>of</strong> Romanians knew about <strong>the</strong>se crimes (though perhaps not about <strong>the</strong>ir full magnitude and results), as <strong>the</strong> leader <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> National Liberal party stressed in his deposition: “I mean <strong>the</strong> massacres <strong>of</strong> Odessa, <strong>of</strong> Iasi and Bukovina, which everyone knew about.” Ano<strong>the</strong>r factor that weakened <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> revelation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fascist regime’s crimes against <strong>the</strong> Jews was that between August 23, 1944, <strong>the</strong> day <strong>of</strong> Antonescu’s arrest, and <strong>the</strong> date <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> trial, <strong>the</strong> Romanian people experienced Russian occupation and plunder and <strong>the</strong> emerging rule <strong>of</strong> a Communist party that never expressed Romanian interests and had previously been almost non-existent. The true extent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> crimes against <strong>the</strong> Jews and <strong>the</strong> Roma and Antonescu’s plan to cleanse Bukovina and Bessarabia <strong>of</strong> Slavs are only now being revealed, in <strong>the</strong> wake <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> recent opening <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Romanian archives captured by <strong>the</strong> former Soviet Union. Newly-revealed crimes include <strong>the</strong> shooting and burning <strong>of</strong> more than 70,000 Jews in <strong>the</strong> camps near <strong>the</strong> Bug River; <strong>the</strong> massacre, burning, or deportation <strong>of</strong> about 80,000 Odessan Jews (from a large area encompassing Odessa, in which <strong>the</strong> total number could be around 80,000); <strong>the</strong> participation <strong>of</strong> medical teams in <strong>the</strong>se crimes; and <strong>the</strong> degree <strong>of</strong> Romanian High Army Command involvement and connivance in <strong>the</strong>se atrocities. At <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> trial, <strong>the</strong> attention and accusations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> prosecution were directed elsewhere. The court tried to judge Antonescu’s deeds in <strong>the</strong> light <strong>of</strong> principles, ideas, and norms completely alien to Romanian interests; thus, <strong>the</strong> accusation was made against both Antonescu’s regime and <strong>the</strong> opposition that <strong>the</strong>y did not commit Romania to a military struggle against Nazi Germany in <strong>the</strong> manner <strong>of</strong> Tito in Yugoslavia, <strong>the</strong> Slovaks, or <strong>the</strong> Polish uprising. One <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> objectives <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> trial was to discredit those national leaders, parties, and forces that might have opposed <strong>the</strong> Communist takeover <strong>of</strong> Romania—people such as Maniu, Bratianu, and Mihalache <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> National Liberal and National Peasant parties and <strong>the</strong>ir close associates. The investigators, <strong>the</strong> prosecution, and <strong>the</strong> court sought to link Maniu and Brătianu to <strong>the</strong> fascist regime, to characterize <strong>the</strong>m as conniving with its criminal deeds, and to present <strong>the</strong>m as tacitly supporting Antonescu’s plans and decisions, including participation in <strong>the</strong> anti-Soviet war (with no distinction being made between captured Romanian territory and <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union proper). The opposition party leaders were presented as promoters <strong>of</strong> fascism, defenders <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “capitalists’ and boyars’ interests” against <strong>the</strong> interests <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “working class,” and so forth. From this point <strong>of</strong> view, <strong>the</strong> trial was <strong>the</strong> opening sortie in <strong>the</strong> campaign that culminated in <strong>the</strong> great political show trial <strong>of</strong> 1947—that <strong>of</strong> Maniu, Brãtianu, and Michalache, among
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Final Repo
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Germany’s war against the
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which includes reputed experts led
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BACKGROUND AND PRECURSORS TO THE HO
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against which antisemites in <stron
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declaring in the p
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them. Thus, he con
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We must organize ourselves for a wa
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ureaucracy of wart
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this direction by Nicolae C. Paules
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promising leader of</strong
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organized a tariff and tax strike.
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Legion of
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less so in Romanian society as a wh
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This ambiguous, self-contradictory
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The Gigurtu government began to con
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The Case of Român
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Cuza’s argument that it is possib
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Românesc,” Sociologie Româneasc
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ole in the early 1
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European states, notably Romania an
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Germany's immediate interests at <s
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eligious communities, the</
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counterpart, “when [he] first met
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de Istorie şi Arheologie, “A. D.
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Romania. Muler to Luthe</st
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demands on territorial revisions an
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military mission to come to Romania
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High Command, informing the
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The Jews and the R
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Romanian army. Thus, in Ciudei in <
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antisemitism in Romanian society an
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Ibid., fond Micro-films, roll I.II,
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manifestations of
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power, as this power colonized West
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attraction, many Jews resettled in
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to defend itself; hence its support
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about the Holocaus
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Nichifor Crainic, “Dupa douazeci
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Isaia Tolan, “Revizuirea incetate
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X. Y. Z., “Rezolvarea problemei e
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andom searches and arrests, robberi
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Bucharest Prefectura. Almost two th
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epression was not ordered by Antone
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from villages and small towns. On J
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accident; it was contrived by <stro
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The second train to leave Iasi for
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care of th
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"premilitary," were also placed at
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according to the o
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Tighina Agreement On August 30, Tra
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elieved Transnistria would be occup
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the 331,000 Ukrain
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those inside to take the</s
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[longer] move.” After several wee
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eappear a few seconds later and sig
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operation and that “some
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Bukovina and Bessarabia. Einsatzkom
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other things, <str
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Berezovka district and burn <strong
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them in exchange f
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transport of 2,000
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Bulgarian, Turkish, Italian, or Swi
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were at least 122,000 Jews. Bukovin
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Wilhelm Hoettl, The Secret Front: T
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Ancel, Documents, vol. 2: no. 136,
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Carp, Cartea neagra, vol. 3: pp. 30
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Gosudartsveni Archiv Odeskoi Oblast
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Cable from the Mil
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1-1087, p. 114; list of</st
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Ibid. “Rezolvarea problemei evrei
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child’s birth, would be considere
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Indeed, the system
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Romanianization instead of<
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The Cultural Ghettoization
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The Status of Jewi
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give up any radios able to send and
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Conclusions The anti-Jewish legisla
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L.A., no. 99, p. 344. Trei ani de g
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moral, social, and intellectual nee
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gradually, in reality the</
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except being defined as a Jew. I be
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egulate and authorize, under <stron
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y Lecca: Jews were privileged, and
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through the activi
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oth as a cry of re
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After coming to power, the<
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and then to send <
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their non-evacuate
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villages of <stron
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Return of Roma Sur
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(in many cases, the</strong
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in Romania. History and Contemporar
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THE ROLE OF ION ANTONESCU IN THE PL
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December 16, 1941, meeting
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me from carrying out the</s
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did not do it because…the
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more ironically, this leader’s wa
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THE HOLOCAUST IN NORTHERN TRANSYLVA
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Others 22 968 Magy
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ultimatum but also consented to <st
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Page 227 and 228: (Indictment of Naz
Page 229 and 230: Randolph L. Braham, comp. and ed. (
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Page 235 and 236: still alive in the
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Page 239 and 240: We have been informed that various
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Page 243 and 244: Mitropolit pleaded with Mihai Anton
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Page 247 and 248: Ibid., pp. 224-225. Ibid., pp. 46-4
Page 249 and 250: the examined cases
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Page 253: immense scale, enslaved millions <s
Page 257 and 258: it is evident that the</str
Page 259 and 260: face să pară evident că victimel
Page 261 and 262: viaţă, 100 milioane lei amendă
Page 263 and 264: Articolul 15 al Convenţiei de armi
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Page 267 and 268: camp in January 1945, for several m
Page 269 and 270: Beginning in the 1
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Page 277 and 278: lucrative Jewish business ever,”
Page 279 and 280: deaths of thousand
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Page 283 and 284: Finally, it must b
Page 285 and 286: A.) Integral Negationism Although <
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Page 289 and 290: mankind, such as wars; the<
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Page 293 and 294: After deploring the</strong
Page 295 and 296: Michael Shafir, “Ex Occidente Obs
Page 297 and 298: See, for example, Giurescu who make
Page 299 and 300: Randolph L. Braham, Romanian Nation
Page 301 and 302: Mediafax, March 18, 2002, Monitorul
Page 303 and 304: See Ibidem, pp. 3, 54-55. Ibidem, p
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Radu Theodoru, Mareşalul, Editura
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egained from the U
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was a record of an
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secondary school use. Those institu
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including erecting statues, mountin
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