Final Report of the International Commission on the - Minority Rights ...

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epatriate all Jews because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> postponement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> general repatriation decision, a “delay that, according to <strong>the</strong> information received up to today, cost <strong>the</strong> lives <strong>of</strong> about 15,000 deportees.” The Parallel Jewish Education System The October 14, 1940, law on <strong>the</strong> Jewish educational system had extremely deleterious effects for Romanian Jews, who were consequently forced into a cultural ghetto. In this context, <strong>the</strong> Jewish community and <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> Jewish Central took upon <strong>the</strong>mselves <strong>the</strong> difficult task <strong>of</strong> ensuring education at <strong>the</strong> primary, secondary, even university levels. In fact, <strong>the</strong> reorganization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jewish educational system in <strong>the</strong> new circumstances was an expression <strong>of</strong> Jewish resistance and determination not to let <strong>the</strong> young be victims <strong>of</strong> moral, intellectual, and pr<strong>of</strong>essional degradation. According to S.M. Litman, principal <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jewish “Cultura” High School in Bucharest, “The way in which <strong>the</strong> students expelled from <strong>the</strong> public education system were absorbed [into a parallel system] was a chapter <strong>of</strong> glory and a miracle <strong>of</strong> perseverance.” But everything happened against <strong>the</strong> background <strong>of</strong> oppression, massacres, compulsory work, deportations, and insecurity. All <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se developments affected both students and teachers. Moreover, many school buildings were requisitioned and transformed into barracks for Hitler’s troops. Classes were held in old houses <strong>of</strong> worship, former restaurants, and insalubrious basements or attics. Yet, educational activities continued in spite <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se many hardships and in spite <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fact that both <strong>the</strong> students and teachers were recruited for compulsory work. Cultural and Artistic Life: The Jewish Theater in Bucharest Many educated Jews, especially those who specialized in humanities, writers, journalists, and artists were banished from <strong>the</strong> cultural infrastructure <strong>of</strong> Romanian society. As a consequence, <strong>the</strong>y continued working in <strong>the</strong> Jewish community and became involved in cultural, educational, artistic, or publishing work. A reciprocal relationship was established in which both sides were interested: <strong>the</strong> community and <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> Jewish Central understood not just <strong>the</strong> cultural, but also <strong>the</strong> social importance <strong>of</strong> continuing traditional Jewish cultural life; in <strong>the</strong>ir turn, Jewish intellectuals understood that involvement in <strong>the</strong>se activities was a chance to survive, economically and morally. Thus, in <strong>the</strong> new context <strong>of</strong> cultural ghettoization, Jewish educational, religious and cultural institutions became, for a certain part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jewish population, genuine forms <strong>of</strong> moral and economic support. Of course, nothing was similar to <strong>the</strong> times before <strong>the</strong> war. Instead <strong>of</strong> dozens <strong>of</strong> Jewish newspapers, now <strong>the</strong>re was only one, and most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jewish cultural activity occurred in Bucharest. But even <strong>the</strong>re, <strong>the</strong> only Jewish cultural center left was <strong>the</strong> Barasheum Theatre. Never<strong>the</strong>less, given <strong>the</strong> sheer concentration <strong>of</strong> Jewish intellectual elites in this city, Jewish cultural life <strong>the</strong>re was exceptionally intense relative to what happened outside Bucharest, where synagogues, schools, and Jewish intellectuals lost <strong>the</strong>ir traditional cultural functions. In <strong>the</strong>se areas, Jewish schools remained <strong>the</strong> last bulwark against complete cultural ghettoization. Synagogue and Religious Life Despite <strong>the</strong> presence <strong>of</strong> undercover government agents, synagogues were always full. Former Chief Rabbi Safran recounted, “On <strong>the</strong> two Sabbaths I preached [at <strong>the</strong> Malbim Synagogue], a large number <strong>of</strong> Jews came especially to heary my sermon. As <strong>the</strong>re was not enough space for <strong>the</strong>m all, <strong>the</strong>y crowded at <strong>the</strong> windows and doors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> synagogue and filled <strong>the</strong> surrounding streets.” This heavy attendance was an expression <strong>of</strong> Jewish solidarity, <strong>of</strong> hope that in <strong>the</strong> synagogue <strong>the</strong>y could find out <strong>the</strong> latest news about <strong>the</strong> events that were to be expected. It was also a means <strong>of</strong> passive resistance against persecution and discrimination, as for example, when <strong>the</strong> first commemoration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> victims <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Bucharest pogrom (January 22-23, 1941) was held on March 4, 1941. Rabbi Safran’s sermon was received by those present
oth as a cry <strong>of</strong> revolt and as encouragement to face <strong>the</strong> hardships. The manner in which <strong>the</strong> entire ceremony was conducted, in a synagogue full to capacity, implicitly represented an act <strong>of</strong> passive resistance. Even in <strong>the</strong> days <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jewish Central and <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> harsh control exercised by <strong>the</strong> Ministry <strong>of</strong> Religions, <strong>the</strong> synagogue remained a site for educating <strong>the</strong> youth, a place for recollection and mutual support. In spite <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> uncertainties <strong>of</strong> everyday life, in spite <strong>of</strong> severe constraints and threats, Romanian Jews followed <strong>the</strong>ir traditions, maybe with even with more fervor than in peaceful times. Conclusion The Jewish framework <strong>of</strong> institutions functioned along <strong>the</strong> lines <strong>of</strong> civil society organizations and was closely associated with Jewish daily life and <strong>the</strong> material, moral, and spiritual fate <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> discriminated minority. Even <strong>the</strong> Jewish Central—an institution directly subordinated to <strong>the</strong> state—was compelled by <strong>the</strong> circumstances <strong>of</strong> those times to factor in <strong>the</strong> interests <strong>of</strong> formal and informal traditional Jewish institutions. In more peaceful times, when Jews enjoyed <strong>the</strong> same rights as all o<strong>the</strong>r Romanian citizens and were integrated into Romanian society—at least according to <strong>the</strong> constitutional and democratic provisions—<strong>the</strong> Jewish community’s institutions were generally confined to ethno-cultural and religious issues. When Jews lost many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rights <strong>of</strong> citizenship and became <strong>the</strong> object <strong>of</strong> statutory discrimination, when <strong>the</strong>y were deprived <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir property and <strong>the</strong>ir jobs, <strong>the</strong> community institutions were <strong>the</strong>re to help manage <strong>the</strong> crisis and work on behalf <strong>of</strong> individual and collective survival through self-management, selfadministration, self-organization, and most important, mutual assistance in every life. THE DEPORTATION OF THE ROMA AND THEIR TREATMENT IN TRANSNISTRIA The Antonescu Regime and <strong>the</strong> Emergence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “Gypsy Problem” The deportation <strong>of</strong> Roma to Transnistria—from its idea to its implementation—was altoge<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Antonescu government. Before <strong>the</strong> Antonescu regime, <strong>the</strong>re was no “Gypsy policy” to speak <strong>of</strong> in Romania. Politicians did not see <strong>the</strong> Roma as a “problem.” Even though <strong>the</strong>y were registered in censuses as a separate ethnic group with <strong>the</strong>ir own language, <strong>the</strong> Roma were treated more as a social category. Consequently, in <strong>the</strong>ir actions Romanian authorities never treated <strong>the</strong> Roma a national minority per se; <strong>the</strong>refore, legislation concerning minorities was never applicable to <strong>the</strong>m. Also, interwar Romanian nationalism was not accompanied by anti-Roma manifestations and <strong>the</strong> Romanization policies promoted by <strong>the</strong> 1938 Goga government and <strong>the</strong> Carol II monarchic authority regime did not pertain to <strong>the</strong> Roma. The General Commissariat for Minorities (Comisariatul General al Minoritatilor), established in 1938, never considered <strong>the</strong> Roma within <strong>the</strong> scope <strong>of</strong> its jurisdiction. If <strong>the</strong> “Jewish problem” figured largely in Romanian interwar politics, <strong>the</strong>re was no “Gypsy problem” to speak <strong>of</strong>. Romanian political parties and politicians even developed collaborative relationships with Roma leaders, some <strong>of</strong> whom became formal members <strong>of</strong> Romanian parties. During <strong>the</strong> 1937 electoral campaign, <strong>the</strong> Tara Noastra journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> National-Christian Party (Octavian Goga’s party) printed a special weekly for <strong>the</strong> Roma. The situation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Roma in <strong>the</strong> decades preceding <strong>the</strong> World War II is well known, mainly due to sociological and ethnographic research done in those years. The 1930 census recorded 262,501 people who declared <strong>the</strong>mselves to be <strong>of</strong> Gypsy descent (1.5 percent <strong>of</strong> Romania’s population). Of <strong>the</strong>se,
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Final Repo
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Germany’s war against the
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which includes reputed experts led
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BACKGROUND AND PRECURSORS TO THE HO
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against which antisemites in <stron
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declaring in the p
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them. Thus, he con
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We must organize ourselves for a wa
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ureaucracy of wart
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this direction by Nicolae C. Paules
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promising leader of</strong
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organized a tariff and tax strike.
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Legion of
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less so in Romanian society as a wh
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This ambiguous, self-contradictory
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The Gigurtu government began to con
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The Case of Român
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Cuza’s argument that it is possib
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Românesc,” Sociologie Româneasc
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ole in the early 1
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European states, notably Romania an
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Germany's immediate interests at <s
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eligious communities, the</
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counterpart, “when [he] first met
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de Istorie şi Arheologie, “A. D.
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Romania. Muler to Luthe</st
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demands on territorial revisions an
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military mission to come to Romania
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High Command, informing the
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The Jews and the R
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Romanian army. Thus, in Ciudei in <
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antisemitism in Romanian society an
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Ibid., fond Micro-films, roll I.II,
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manifestations of
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power, as this power colonized West
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attraction, many Jews resettled in
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to defend itself; hence its support
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about the Holocaus
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Nichifor Crainic, “Dupa douazeci
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Isaia Tolan, “Revizuirea incetate
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X. Y. Z., “Rezolvarea problemei e
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andom searches and arrests, robberi
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Bucharest Prefectura. Almost two th
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epression was not ordered by Antone
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from villages and small towns. On J
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accident; it was contrived by <stro
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The second train to leave Iasi for
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care of th
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"premilitary," were also placed at
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according to the o
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Tighina Agreement On August 30, Tra
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elieved Transnistria would be occup
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the 331,000 Ukrain
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those inside to take the</s
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[longer] move.” After several wee
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eappear a few seconds later and sig
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operation and that “some
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Bukovina and Bessarabia. Einsatzkom
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other things, <str
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Page 129 and 130: Wilhelm Hoettl, The Secret Front: T
Page 131 and 132: Ancel, Documents, vol. 2: no. 136,
Page 133 and 134: Carp, Cartea neagra, vol. 3: pp. 30
Page 135 and 136: Gosudartsveni Archiv Odeskoi Oblast
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Page 141 and 142: Ibid. “Rezolvarea problemei evrei
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Page 155 and 156: Conclusions The anti-Jewish legisla
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Page 191 and 192: me from carrying out the</s
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Page 197 and 198: THE HOLOCAUST IN NORTHERN TRANSYLVA
Page 199 and 200: Others 22 968 Magy
Page 201 and 202: ultimatum but also consented to <st
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Rona de Sus Felsöróna Rozavica Ro
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Bözödújfalu Bezidu Nou Budfalva
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Nagysajó Şieu (Bistrita-Nasaud Co
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(Indictment of Naz
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Randolph L. Braham, comp. and ed. (
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perceived by a significant part <st
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Romanian government not to adopt <s
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still alive in the
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the Jews who worke
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We have been informed that various
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church bells announce the</
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Mitropolit pleaded with Mihai Anton
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Pozdnyakova, Yefrosiniya Starostina
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Ibid., pp. 224-225. Ibid., pp. 46-4
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the examined cases
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escape with negligible punishment;
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immense scale, enslaved millions <s
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means. The “ethnic Christian stat
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it is evident that the</str
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face să pară evident că victimel
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viaţă, 100 milioane lei amendă
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Articolul 15 al Convenţiei de armi
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members accepted as authoritative s
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camp in January 1945, for several m
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Beginning in the 1
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such access was strictly supervised
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enefit from translation into Englis
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furthermore, he ha
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lucrative Jewish business ever,”
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deaths of thousand
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Treptow who was residing in Romania
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Finally, it must b
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A.) Integral Negationism Although <
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other genocides re
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mankind, such as wars; the<
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age of 44, only on
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After deploring the</strong
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Michael Shafir, “Ex Occidente Obs
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See, for example, Giurescu who make
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Randolph L. Braham, Romanian Nation
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Mediafax, March 18, 2002, Monitorul
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See Ibidem, pp. 3, 54-55. Ibidem, p
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Radu Theodoru, Mareşalul, Editura
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egained from the U
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was a record of an
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secondary school use. Those institu
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including erecting statues, mountin
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