Final Report of the International Commission on the - Minority Rights ...

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agreement, and its impact on Holocaust research in Romania was minimal. Foreign policy considerations again, explain why a few studies admitting in low-voice that Antonescu’s regime was responsible for some atrocities against Jews were presented by Romanian historians at international colloquia abroad and in languages <strong>of</strong> international circulation. But it is just as relevant that <strong>the</strong>se studies were never published at home, in Romanian translation. Fourth, a distinction was gradually introduced between <strong>the</strong> National Legionary state and <strong>the</strong> Antonescu dictatorship as part <strong>of</strong> a quasi-<strong>of</strong>ficial strategy to discreetly rehabilitate Marshal Antonescu. The marks <strong>of</strong> this strategy emerged in <strong>the</strong> 1970s and become more obvious in <strong>the</strong> 1980s. There were several identifiable reasons for <strong>the</strong> emergence <strong>of</strong> this strategy: <strong>the</strong> immersion <strong>of</strong> RCP-affiliated historians in <strong>the</strong> exoneration <strong>of</strong> Romanian state and society <strong>of</strong> involvement in antisemitic atrocities; <strong>the</strong> concern <strong>of</strong> military historians to absolve <strong>the</strong> Romanian army and its command responsibility for wartime involvement in crimes; and <strong>the</strong> romanticizing <strong>of</strong> Antonescu by some writers who were gravitating around <strong>the</strong> party leadership. Also important was <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> Iosif Constantin Drăgan, a former Iron Guard sympathizer, who became a millionaire in <strong>the</strong> West and later a persona grata with Romania’s dictator. Having metamorphosed into Antonescu’s most fierce advocate, Drăgan contributed to <strong>the</strong> campaign waged abroad by <strong>the</strong> regime to rehabilitate <strong>the</strong> Marshal and recruited domestic and foreign historians into <strong>the</strong> rehabilitation drive. Among <strong>the</strong>m were Mihai Pelin, Gheorghe Buzatu, Valeriu Florin Dobrinescu and Larry Watts. Four volumes <strong>of</strong> documents portraying Antonescu positively were published in <strong>the</strong> West under Drăgan’s supervision, at a publishing house he owned in Italy. Before 1989 and long after, <strong>the</strong>se documents were inaccessible to <strong>the</strong> great majority <strong>of</strong> Romanian researchers, but Drăgan obtained <strong>the</strong>m due to his excellent rapport with <strong>the</strong> regime in general, and with Mircea Muşat and Ion Ardeleanu, censors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> history department <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> RCP’s Central Committee in particular. Fifth, it is evident that all <strong>the</strong> authors discussed in this section strived to minimize <strong>the</strong> scope <strong>of</strong> atrocities committed on Romanian territory or in <strong>the</strong> territories administered by <strong>the</strong> Romanian government and to deny Romanian participation in <strong>the</strong> Holocaust. Most postcommunist Romanian negationism has roots in Communist-era historiography on <strong>the</strong> Holocaust. The victimization and lionization <strong>of</strong> Romanians, <strong>the</strong>ir substitution <strong>of</strong> Jews in <strong>the</strong> posture <strong>of</strong> main victims <strong>of</strong> Nazism, <strong>the</strong> deflection <strong>of</strong> responsibility, <strong>the</strong> minimization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> real scope <strong>of</strong> atrocities, self-flattering exceptionalism, <strong>the</strong> rehabilitation <strong>of</strong> Antonescu as well as many o<strong>the</strong>r manifestations were to reproduce <strong>the</strong>mselves in various forms in postcommunist negationism. Holocaust Denial in <strong>the</strong> Postcommunist Public Discourse: Examples In postcommunist Romania, Holocaust denial has been a diffuse phenomenon, which has manifested itself in politics, in academia, and in <strong>the</strong> mass media. The Greater Romania Party (GRP) and its affiliated publications have yielded <strong>the</strong> most consistent “database” <strong>of</strong> negationist statements and actions during <strong>the</strong> past 15 years <strong>of</strong> transition. Yet, Holocaust denial is not <strong>the</strong> exclusive monopoly <strong>of</strong> anti-democratic Romanian extremists. Individuals, groups, and organizations with centrist and democratic credentials have also contributed to this phenomenon. It is emblematic that ideological differences among parties suddenly vanish when reference is made to Marshal Ion Antonescu. In 1991 <strong>the</strong> Romanian Parliament observed a minute <strong>of</strong> silence to commemorate forty-five years since <strong>the</strong> execution <strong>of</strong> Marshal Antonescu. On <strong>the</strong> initiative <strong>of</strong> Petre Ţurlea, a member <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> National Salvation Front, <strong>the</strong> government party <strong>of</strong> those years, legislators bowed <strong>the</strong>ir heads in memory <strong>of</strong> Antonescu’s “service” to his country. Eight years on, when <strong>the</strong> parliamentary majority in <strong>the</strong> legislature had changed, National Peasant Party Christian Democratic (NPP) Senator Ioan Moisin submitted to <strong>the</strong> upper house a draft resolution in which Antonescu was described as a “great Romanian patriot who fought for his country until death.” According to Moisin, Antonescu did not participate in <strong>the</strong> Holocaust and,
fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, he had “saved <strong>the</strong> lives <strong>of</strong> millions <strong>of</strong> Jews when he refused to carry out Hitler’s order to deport <strong>the</strong>m to Germany.” This time around, <strong>the</strong> resolution was, however, rejected. Yet, during <strong>the</strong> 1996- 2000 coalition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> CDR (which included <strong>the</strong> PNTCD and <strong>the</strong> PNL) with <strong>the</strong> USD and <strong>the</strong> UDMR, Attorney General (Procurorul General) Sorin Moisescu filed an extraordinary appeal (recurs in anulare), against sentences passed after <strong>the</strong> Second World War on six members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Antonescu government found guilty <strong>of</strong> crimes against peace. Eventually, Moisescu withdrew <strong>the</strong> appeal and <strong>the</strong> controversial procedure, which allowed <strong>the</strong> Attorney General to appeal sentences even after judicial procedure had been exhausted, has been since rescinded. Nor is this admiration for <strong>the</strong> Marshal confined to politicians. In 1990s <strong>the</strong> mainstream daily “România Liberă” (Free Romania) published an op-ed entitled “Tear for a National Hero;” <strong>the</strong> authors, Ion Pavelescu and Adrian Pandea, were gratified that, “after forty-four years, history finally allows Romanians to shed a tear and light a candle for Ion Antonescu.” In turn, <strong>the</strong> popular daily “Ziua” launched in 1995 a campaign to name one <strong>of</strong> Bucharest’s main boulevards after Ion Antonescu, claiming that Antonescu was “no Hitler, Mussolini, or Horthy. He did not kill Jews but saved Jews.” The dismantling and/or restructuring <strong>of</strong> Communist-era research institutions—<strong>the</strong> RCP CC’s Institute <strong>of</strong> Historical and Socio-Political Studies, <strong>the</strong> Center for Research on Military History and Theory, or <strong>the</strong> Social and Political Sciences Academy—did not lead to <strong>the</strong> disappearance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> negationist discourse practiced under <strong>the</strong>ir aegis during <strong>the</strong> dictatorship. On <strong>the</strong> contrary, former RCP-affiliated historians established new networks based on informal relationships in politics, <strong>the</strong> press, or civil society that provided new forums for expressing old ideas. Gheorghe Buzatu, for example, became <strong>the</strong> head <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Iaşi-based Center for History and European Civilization with <strong>the</strong> Romanian Academy (Academia Română), where he and o<strong>the</strong>rs would publish several pro-Antonescu and antisemitic tomes. In 2000, Buzatu was elected senator for <strong>the</strong> Greater Romania Party, where he joined former RCP colleagues: Communist-era military historians, nationalist writers, RCP activists, members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Communist secret police, <strong>the</strong> Securitate and o<strong>the</strong>rs who shared sympathy for Antonescu and <strong>the</strong> antisemitic imagery. (After 1989, many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se people joined <strong>the</strong> PRM. For example, <strong>the</strong> former Communist-era censor <strong>of</strong> historical research, Mircea Muşat, was PRM deputy-chairman until his death in 1994.) Buzatu also joined <strong>the</strong> Marshal Ion Antonescu Foundation, set up in 1990 by Corneliu Vadim Tudor and Iosif Constantin Drăgan, as was a Marshal Ion Antonescu League. The two bodies merged in September 2001 but <strong>the</strong> new organization was eventually renamed League <strong>of</strong> Marshals; <strong>the</strong> change came in <strong>the</strong> wake <strong>of</strong> Emergency Ordinance 31/2002, which prohibits <strong>the</strong> cult <strong>of</strong> personalities found guilty <strong>of</strong> war crimes and <strong>of</strong> crimes against mankind. Eventually, Buzatu would take over <strong>the</strong> league’s chair from Drăgan. League members included numerous negationists, such as Radu Theodoru and Ilie Neacşu, who at that time was chief editor <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> antisemitic review “Europa”. Numerous nagationists with roots in <strong>the</strong> communist past would contribute articles to “Europa” and/or <strong>the</strong> C.V. Tudor-owned “România mare”. Among <strong>the</strong>m one found Maria Covaci and Aurel Kareţki, <strong>the</strong> authors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> book on <strong>the</strong> Iaşi pogrom discussed earlier in this chapter. Many o<strong>the</strong>r examples could be provided, and all lead to <strong>the</strong> same conclusion: after 1989, historians and nationalist activists educated by <strong>the</strong> communist regime maintained some degree <strong>of</strong> solidarity. Above all, <strong>the</strong>y kept alive and even enhanced <strong>the</strong> pro-Antonescu negationist political discourse. Paradoxically, one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> side-effects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> year 1989 might be called <strong>the</strong> “democratization” <strong>of</strong> negationism. Beyond <strong>the</strong> hard-core nucleus just discussed, numerous o<strong>the</strong>r voices advocate negationism in one way or ano<strong>the</strong>r, groups are taking positions in defense <strong>of</strong> its propagation and publications disseminate negationist views. This is a heterogenous world and motivations are just as varied, ranging from nationalism, xenophobia, a penchant for conspiracy <strong>the</strong>ories and authoritarianism, antidemocratic inclinations, ignorance, nostalgia, fascination with interwar intellectuals affiliated with <strong>the</strong> radical Right
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Final Repo
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Germany’s war against the
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which includes reputed experts led
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BACKGROUND AND PRECURSORS TO THE HO
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against which antisemites in <stron
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declaring in the p
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them. Thus, he con
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We must organize ourselves for a wa
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ureaucracy of wart
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this direction by Nicolae C. Paules
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promising leader of</strong
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organized a tariff and tax strike.
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Legion of
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less so in Romanian society as a wh
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This ambiguous, self-contradictory
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The Gigurtu government began to con
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The Case of Român
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Cuza’s argument that it is possib
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Românesc,” Sociologie Româneasc
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ole in the early 1
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European states, notably Romania an
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Germany's immediate interests at <s
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eligious communities, the</
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counterpart, “when [he] first met
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de Istorie şi Arheologie, “A. D.
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Romania. Muler to Luthe</st
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demands on territorial revisions an
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military mission to come to Romania
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High Command, informing the
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The Jews and the R
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Romanian army. Thus, in Ciudei in <
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antisemitism in Romanian society an
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Ibid., fond Micro-films, roll I.II,
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manifestations of
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power, as this power colonized West
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attraction, many Jews resettled in
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to defend itself; hence its support
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about the Holocaus
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Nichifor Crainic, “Dupa douazeci
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Isaia Tolan, “Revizuirea incetate
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X. Y. Z., “Rezolvarea problemei e
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andom searches and arrests, robberi
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Bucharest Prefectura. Almost two th
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epression was not ordered by Antone
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from villages and small towns. On J
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accident; it was contrived by <stro
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The second train to leave Iasi for
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care of th
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"premilitary," were also placed at
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according to the o
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Tighina Agreement On August 30, Tra
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elieved Transnistria would be occup
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the 331,000 Ukrain
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those inside to take the</s
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[longer] move.” After several wee
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eappear a few seconds later and sig
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operation and that “some
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Bukovina and Bessarabia. Einsatzkom
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other things, <str
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Berezovka district and burn <strong
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them in exchange f
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transport of 2,000
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Bulgarian, Turkish, Italian, or Swi
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were at least 122,000 Jews. Bukovin
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Wilhelm Hoettl, The Secret Front: T
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Ancel, Documents, vol. 2: no. 136,
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Carp, Cartea neagra, vol. 3: pp. 30
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Gosudartsveni Archiv Odeskoi Oblast
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Cable from the Mil
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1-1087, p. 114; list of</st
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Ibid. “Rezolvarea problemei evrei
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child’s birth, would be considere
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Indeed, the system
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Romanianization instead of<
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The Cultural Ghettoization
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The Status of Jewi
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give up any radios able to send and
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Conclusions The anti-Jewish legisla
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L.A., no. 99, p. 344. Trei ani de g
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moral, social, and intellectual nee
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gradually, in reality the</
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except being defined as a Jew. I be
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egulate and authorize, under <stron
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y Lecca: Jews were privileged, and
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through the activi
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oth as a cry of re
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After coming to power, the<
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and then to send <
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their non-evacuate
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villages of <stron
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Return of Roma Sur
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(in many cases, the</strong
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in Romania. History and Contemporar
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THE ROLE OF ION ANTONESCU IN THE PL
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December 16, 1941, meeting
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me from carrying out the</s
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did not do it because…the
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more ironically, this leader’s wa
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THE HOLOCAUST IN NORTHERN TRANSYLVA
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Others 22 968 Magy
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ultimatum but also consented to <st
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military, political, and psychologi
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command over the g
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Huedin. The Jews of</strong
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authorities set up two ghettos in <
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Secuilor counties was carried out i
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the procedure foll
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deportation trains per day. While E
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Deportation Trains from Nor
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Câtcău Kackó Ciuc Csík Ciucea C
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Rona de Sus Felsöróna Rozavica Ro
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Page 247 and 248: Ibid., pp. 224-225. Ibid., pp. 46-4
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Page 267 and 268: camp in January 1945, for several m
Page 269 and 270: Beginning in the 1
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Page 277 and 278: lucrative Jewish business ever,”
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Page 285 and 286: A.) Integral Negationism Although <
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Page 289 and 290: mankind, such as wars; the<
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Page 295 and 296: Michael Shafir, “Ex Occidente Obs
Page 297 and 298: See, for example, Giurescu who make
Page 299 and 300: Randolph L. Braham, Romanian Nation
Page 301 and 302: Mediafax, March 18, 2002, Monitorul
Page 303 and 304: See Ibidem, pp. 3, 54-55. Ibidem, p
Page 305 and 306: Radu Theodoru, Mareşalul, Editura
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Page 311 and 312: secondary school use. Those institu
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