Final Report of the International Commission on the - Minority Rights ...

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<strong>of</strong> September 1939, under whose terms <strong>the</strong> USSR was given a free hand in several parts <strong>of</strong> Eastern Europe, including Romania. The USSR refrained from acting against Romania as long as France, <strong>the</strong> country’s foremost supporter, was still considered Europe’s most formidable military power. But on June 26, 1940, three days after a defeated France was compelled to sign an armistice agreement, <strong>the</strong> Soviet government issued an ultimatum: it demanded that Romania give up Bessarabia and Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Bukovina within a few days. The annexation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se territories had been preceded by an orchestrated Soviet press campaign against Romania. The campaign caught <strong>the</strong> attention <strong>of</strong> Hungarian governmental <strong>of</strong>ficials, who began working out plans for <strong>the</strong> possible recovery <strong>of</strong> Transylvania in synchronization with <strong>the</strong> expected Soviet occupation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> eastern provinces <strong>of</strong> Romania. The Hungarian state and governmental leaders contacted Hitler early in July 1940 to press <strong>the</strong>ir case concerning Transylvania. Since <strong>the</strong> Führer needed both Hungary and Romania as allies in <strong>the</strong> planned invasion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union, <strong>the</strong> leaders <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> two countries were advised to settle <strong>the</strong>ir differences by negotiation. The Arbitration Award <strong>of</strong> August 30, 1940 The Hungarian-Romanian negotiations that began on August 16, 1940 in Turnu Severin, Romania, yielded no results and, after ten days <strong>of</strong> futile wrangling, both parties appealed to <strong>the</strong> Germans for help. The deadlock was broken shortly after István Csáky and Mihail Manoilescu, <strong>the</strong> foreign ministers <strong>of</strong> Hungary and Romania respectively, were invited to Vienna “for some friendly advice” by <strong>the</strong>ir Italian and German counterparts. The arbitration award worked out by Ciano and Ribbentrop and <strong>the</strong>ir staffs was signed on August 30. Under <strong>the</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> this agreement - usually referred to as <strong>the</strong> Second Vienna Award - Hungary received an area <strong>of</strong> 43,591 square kilometers with a population <strong>of</strong> approximately 2.5 million. The area included <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn half <strong>of</strong> Transylvania, encompassing Sălaj, Bistriţa-Năsăud, Ciuc, and Someş counties, most <strong>of</strong> Bihor, most <strong>of</strong> Trei Scaune and Mureş-Turda counties, and parts <strong>of</strong> Cluj County. The territorial concessions also enabled Hungary to reestablish Maramureş, Satu Mare, and Ugocsa counties within <strong>the</strong>ir pre-World War I boundaries. The annexation <strong>of</strong> Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Transylvania was completed by September 13, and <strong>the</strong> territory was formally incorporated into Hungary under a law passed by <strong>the</strong> Hungarian Parliament on October 2, 1940. The Jews <strong>of</strong> Transylvania The national-ethnic composition <strong>of</strong> Transylvania varied in <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> three decades preceding <strong>the</strong> partition as reflected in <strong>the</strong> following table relating to Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Transylvania: Population <strong>of</strong> Ceded Portion <strong>of</strong> Transylvania Census <strong>of</strong> 1910 (Hungarian by mo<strong>the</strong>r-tongue) Census <strong>of</strong> 1930 (Romanian, by nationality) Census <strong>of</strong> 1941 (Hungarian) Magyar 1 125 732 Romanian 926 268 German 90 195 Yiddish Ru<strong>the</strong>ne 16 284 Slovak 12 807
O<strong>the</strong>rs 22 968 Magyar 911 550 Romanian 1 176 433 German 68 694 Jews 138 885 O<strong>the</strong>rs 99 585 Magyar 1 347 012 Romanian 1 066 353 German 47 501 Yiddish 45 593 Ru<strong>the</strong>ne 20 609 Slovak 20 908 Romany 24 729 O<strong>the</strong>rs 4 586 Total 2 194 254 Total 2 395 147 Total 2 577 291 Source: C. A. Macartney, October Fifteenth. A History <strong>of</strong> Modern Hungary, 1929-1945 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1957), Vol. 1, p. 423.: The census figures used in this table are dubious. Both <strong>the</strong> Hungarian and <strong>the</strong> Romanian census authorities appear to have juggled <strong>the</strong> figures relating to <strong>the</strong> ethnic and national minorities in order to advance <strong>the</strong>ir particular national interests with reference to <strong>the</strong>ir respective claims to <strong>the</strong> region. This was particularly true <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> statistical treatment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jewish minority. Before <strong>the</strong> partition, <strong>the</strong> total Jewish population <strong>of</strong> Transylvania was about 200,000. Of <strong>the</strong>se, 164,052 lived in <strong>the</strong> territories ceded to Hungary. The historical and cultural heritage that tied Transylvanian Jews to Hungary and <strong>the</strong> socioeconomic and political realities that bound <strong>the</strong>m to Romania were <strong>the</strong> source <strong>of</strong> many conflicts during <strong>the</strong> interwar period. It is one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ironies and tragedies <strong>of</strong> history that after <strong>the</strong> division <strong>of</strong> Transylvania in 1940 <strong>the</strong> Jews fared far worse in <strong>the</strong> part allotted to Hungary – <strong>the</strong> country with which <strong>the</strong>y maintained so many cultural and emotional ties – than in <strong>the</strong> one left with Romania – <strong>the</strong> state identified with many anti- Semitic excesses in <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> its history. The Jews <strong>of</strong> Transylvania were victims <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> historical milieu in which <strong>the</strong>y lived. Romanians resented <strong>the</strong>m because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir proclivity to Hungarian culture and by implication Hungarian revisionism and irredentism. Hungarians, especially Right radicals, accused <strong>the</strong>m <strong>of</strong> being “renegades” in <strong>the</strong> service <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Left. The socioeconomic structure <strong>of</strong> Transylvanian Jewry was similar to that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jews in <strong>the</strong> neighboring provinces. Many were engaged in business or trade, and <strong>the</strong>ir percentage in <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essions and white-collar fields outside <strong>of</strong> government was relatively high. There were, however, only a handful <strong>of</strong> Jews associated with mining and heavy industry. While no data on income distribution are available, <strong>the</strong> many studies on Transylvania reveal that <strong>the</strong>re was a considerable proportion <strong>of</strong> Jews who could barely make a living; many depended for <strong>the</strong>ir survival on <strong>the</strong> generosity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> community. Most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se impoverished Jews lived in <strong>the</strong> densely populated Jewish centers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> northwest. The original reaction <strong>of</strong> many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> North Transylvanian Jews to <strong>the</strong> historical changes in <strong>the</strong> region was to a large extent determined by <strong>the</strong>ir experiences during <strong>the</strong> previous three years, when <strong>the</strong> various Romanian governments instituted a series <strong>of</strong> anti-Semitic measures, and <strong>the</strong> memories <strong>the</strong>y still nurtured about <strong>the</strong>ir lives in <strong>the</strong> Austro-Hungarian Empire. The illusions cherished by many among <strong>the</strong>se Jews that <strong>the</strong> Hungarian annexation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> area would denote a return to <strong>the</strong> “Golden Era” soon gave way to disbelief and despair. The newly established Hungarian authorities lost no time in implementing <strong>the</strong> anti- Jewish laws and policies that had already been in effect in Hungary proper. The Jewish newspapers were
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Final Repo
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Germany’s war against the
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which includes reputed experts led
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BACKGROUND AND PRECURSORS TO THE HO
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against which antisemites in <stron
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declaring in the p
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them. Thus, he con
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We must organize ourselves for a wa
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ureaucracy of wart
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this direction by Nicolae C. Paules
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promising leader of</strong
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organized a tariff and tax strike.
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Legion of
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less so in Romanian society as a wh
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This ambiguous, self-contradictory
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The Gigurtu government began to con
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The Case of Român
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Cuza’s argument that it is possib
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Românesc,” Sociologie Româneasc
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ole in the early 1
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European states, notably Romania an
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Germany's immediate interests at <s
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eligious communities, the</
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counterpart, “when [he] first met
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de Istorie şi Arheologie, “A. D.
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Romania. Muler to Luthe</st
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demands on territorial revisions an
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military mission to come to Romania
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High Command, informing the
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The Jews and the R
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Romanian army. Thus, in Ciudei in <
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antisemitism in Romanian society an
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Ibid., fond Micro-films, roll I.II,
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manifestations of
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power, as this power colonized West
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attraction, many Jews resettled in
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to defend itself; hence its support
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about the Holocaus
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Nichifor Crainic, “Dupa douazeci
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Isaia Tolan, “Revizuirea incetate
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X. Y. Z., “Rezolvarea problemei e
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andom searches and arrests, robberi
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Bucharest Prefectura. Almost two th
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epression was not ordered by Antone
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from villages and small towns. On J
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accident; it was contrived by <stro
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The second train to leave Iasi for
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care of th
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"premilitary," were also placed at
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according to the o
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Tighina Agreement On August 30, Tra
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elieved Transnistria would be occup
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the 331,000 Ukrain
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those inside to take the</s
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[longer] move.” After several wee
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eappear a few seconds later and sig
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operation and that “some
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Bukovina and Bessarabia. Einsatzkom
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other things, <str
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Berezovka district and burn <strong
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them in exchange f
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transport of 2,000
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Bulgarian, Turkish, Italian, or Swi
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were at least 122,000 Jews. Bukovin
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Wilhelm Hoettl, The Secret Front: T
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Ancel, Documents, vol. 2: no. 136,
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Carp, Cartea neagra, vol. 3: pp. 30
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Gosudartsveni Archiv Odeskoi Oblast
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Cable from the Mil
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1-1087, p. 114; list of</st
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Ibid. “Rezolvarea problemei evrei
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child’s birth, would be considere
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Indeed, the system
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Page 149 and 150: The Cultural Ghettoization
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Page 155 and 156: Conclusions The anti-Jewish legisla
Page 157 and 158: L.A., no. 99, p. 344. Trei ani de g
Page 159 and 160: moral, social, and intellectual nee
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Page 167 and 168: y Lecca: Jews were privileged, and
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Page 173 and 174: After coming to power, the<
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Page 179 and 180: villages of <stron
Page 181 and 182: Return of Roma Sur
Page 183 and 184: (in many cases, the</strong
Page 185 and 186: in Romania. History and Contemporar
Page 187 and 188: THE ROLE OF ION ANTONESCU IN THE PL
Page 189 and 190: December 16, 1941, meeting
Page 191 and 192: me from carrying out the</s
Page 193 and 194: did not do it because…the
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Page 197: THE HOLOCAUST IN NORTHERN TRANSYLVA
Page 201 and 202: ultimatum but also consented to <st
Page 203 and 204: military, political, and psychologi
Page 205 and 206: command over the g
Page 207 and 208: Huedin. The Jews of</strong
Page 209 and 210: authorities set up two ghettos in <
Page 211 and 212: Secuilor counties was carried out i
Page 213 and 214: the procedure foll
Page 215 and 216: deportation trains per day. While E
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Page 219 and 220: Câtcău Kackó Ciuc Csík Ciucea C
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Page 223 and 224: Bözödújfalu Bezidu Nou Budfalva
Page 225 and 226: Nagysajó Şieu (Bistrita-Nasaud Co
Page 227 and 228: (Indictment of Naz
Page 229 and 230: Randolph L. Braham, comp. and ed. (
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Page 235 and 236: still alive in the
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Page 239 and 240: We have been informed that various
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Page 243 and 244: Mitropolit pleaded with Mihai Anton
Page 245 and 246: Pozdnyakova, Yefrosiniya Starostina
Page 247 and 248: Ibid., pp. 224-225. Ibid., pp. 46-4
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the examined cases
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escape with negligible punishment;
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immense scale, enslaved millions <s
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means. The “ethnic Christian stat
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it is evident that the</str
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face să pară evident că victimel
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viaţă, 100 milioane lei amendă
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Articolul 15 al Convenţiei de armi
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members accepted as authoritative s
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camp in January 1945, for several m
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Beginning in the 1
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such access was strictly supervised
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enefit from translation into Englis
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furthermore, he ha
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lucrative Jewish business ever,”
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deaths of thousand
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Treptow who was residing in Romania
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Finally, it must b
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A.) Integral Negationism Although <
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other genocides re
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mankind, such as wars; the<
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age of 44, only on
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After deploring the</strong
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Michael Shafir, “Ex Occidente Obs
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See, for example, Giurescu who make
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Randolph L. Braham, Romanian Nation
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Mediafax, March 18, 2002, Monitorul
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See Ibidem, pp. 3, 54-55. Ibidem, p
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Radu Theodoru, Mareşalul, Editura
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egained from the U
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was a record of an
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secondary school use. Those institu
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including erecting statues, mountin
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