Final Report of the International Commission on the - Minority Rights ...

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The fate <strong>of</strong> Romanian Jews during <strong>the</strong> brief term <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> National Legionary government depended on <strong>the</strong> developments in <strong>the</strong> power struggles taking place within <strong>the</strong> Legion as well as between Antonescu and <strong>the</strong> Legion. Various Nazi <strong>of</strong>ficials, including representatives at <strong>the</strong> German embassy in Bucharest, German intelligence <strong>of</strong>ficers, and members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> German minority from Transylvania, indirectly contributed to <strong>the</strong> fate <strong>of</strong> Romanian Jews through <strong>the</strong>ir influence on relations between Antonescu and <strong>the</strong> Legion. As <strong>the</strong> Legion grew rich by taking possession <strong>of</strong> most Jewish property, Marshal Antonescu and his supporters began to perceive <strong>the</strong> Legion as a threat. The Marshal agreed that Jews should lose <strong>the</strong>ir property, yet he did not agree with <strong>the</strong> means and pace <strong>of</strong> expropriation. Nei<strong>the</strong>r did he agree with <strong>the</strong> fact that an organization and individuals, ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong> Romanian state and Romanian people, benefited from <strong>the</strong>se actions. This conflict demonstrates that <strong>the</strong> confrontation between <strong>the</strong> Legion and Antonescu was not a confrontation between a gross, violent antisemitism and a compassionate, humane attitude, or between a savage form <strong>of</strong> nationalism and a form <strong>of</strong> “opportunistic” antisemitism. Ra<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong> Legionnaires wanted everything, and <strong>the</strong>y wanted it immediately; Antonescu, while sharing <strong>the</strong> same goal, intended to achieve it gradually, using different methods. The Marshal stated this clearly in an address to Legion-appointed ministers: “Do you really think that we can replace all Yids immediately? Government challenges are addressed one by one, like in a game <strong>of</strong> chess.” By early January 1941, Antonescu was convinced that <strong>the</strong> Legion’s actions no longer served <strong>the</strong> interests <strong>of</strong> Romanian nationalism and that <strong>the</strong> Legion had become an instrument <strong>of</strong> extortion for its own members. On January 14, 1941, Antonescu met Hitler in Obersalzberg and obtained agreement on his plan to do away with <strong>the</strong> Legion. The days preceding <strong>the</strong> Legionnaire rebellion against Antonescu and <strong>the</strong> pogrom that occurred simultaneously were marked by strikingly vehement antisemitic statements from <strong>the</strong> Legion’s propaganda apparatus. The Legionary movement’s print media, while avowing its support <strong>of</strong> Nazi Germany’s antisemitic policies with increasing frequency, indicated in detail what soon was to follow on <strong>the</strong> “day <strong>of</strong> reckoning.” The rebellion began when armed Legionnaires occupied <strong>the</strong> Bucharest Police headquarters, local police stations, <strong>the</strong> Bucharest City Hall, several ministries, and o<strong>the</strong>r public buildings. When army soldiers attempted to regain control <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se buildings, <strong>the</strong> Legionnaires opened fire on <strong>the</strong>m. Although Hitler had granted him a free hand, Antonescu maneuvered cautiously in order to avoid irritating Nazi leadership in Berlin and to let <strong>the</strong> Legionnaires compromise <strong>the</strong>mselves through <strong>the</strong>ir own actions. This strategy included keeping <strong>the</strong> army on “active defensive.” Until <strong>the</strong> evening <strong>of</strong> January 22, <strong>the</strong> army’s actions were limited to returning fire when shot at first and to encircling sites controlled by Legionnaires. This allowed <strong>the</strong> Iron Guard to kill Jews and to pillage or burn <strong>the</strong>ir property unimpeded in several counties <strong>of</strong> Bucharest. As a result, Jewish homes and businesses over several kilometers—on Dudesti and Vacaresti streets—were severely damaged. The army <strong>of</strong>fensive ended <strong>the</strong> rebellion on <strong>the</strong> morning <strong>of</strong> January 24. At this point it was clear that <strong>the</strong> Bucharest pogrom was part <strong>of</strong> a Legion-drafted plan and not <strong>the</strong> manifestation <strong>of</strong> a spontaneous outburst or <strong>the</strong> strategic exploitation <strong>of</strong> a moment <strong>of</strong> anarchy. The pogrom was not a development isolated from <strong>the</strong> terrorist atmosphere and policy typical <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> National Legionary state, but <strong>the</strong> climax <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> progression. The army did not take part in <strong>the</strong> Bucharest pogrom. The perpetrators came from <strong>the</strong> ranks <strong>of</strong> organizations controlled by <strong>the</strong> Legion: Legion members and members <strong>of</strong> terrorist organizations, police from <strong>the</strong> Ministry <strong>of</strong> Interior and <strong>the</strong> Sigurantza, and Bucharest Prefectura personnel. Many ordinary civilians also participated. The Minister <strong>of</strong> Interior ordered <strong>the</strong> burning <strong>of</strong> Jewish districts on January 22, 1941; this signaled <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> pogrom. Yet, <strong>the</strong> attack on <strong>the</strong> two Jewish districts as well as on neighboring districts inhabited by Jews had, in effect, been launched at noon <strong>the</strong> day before. Moreover, by January 20, 1941, <strong>the</strong> Legion had already started to launch mass arrests <strong>of</strong> Jews and taking those apprehended to <strong>the</strong>
Bucharest Prefectura. Almost two thousand Jews, men and women from fifteen to eighty-five years old, were abusively detained and <strong>the</strong>n taken to <strong>the</strong> Legion’s fourteen torture centers (police stations, <strong>the</strong> Bucharest Prefectura, <strong>the</strong> Legion headquarters, Codreanu’s farm, <strong>the</strong> Jilava town hall, occupied Jewish buildings, and <strong>the</strong> Bucharest slaughterhouse). The arrested included wealthy Jews and employees <strong>of</strong> Jewish public organizations. The Bucharest slaughterhouse was <strong>the</strong> site <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most atrocious tortures. On <strong>the</strong> last day <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rebellion, fifteen Jews were driven from <strong>the</strong> Prefectura to <strong>the</strong> slaughterhouse where all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m were tortured and/or shot to death. Antonescu appointed a military prosecutor to investigate <strong>the</strong> events. He reported that he recognized three <strong>of</strong> his acquaintances among <strong>the</strong> “pr<strong>of</strong>essionally tortured” bodies (lawyer Millo Beiler and <strong>the</strong> Rauch bro<strong>the</strong>rs). He added, “The bodies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> dead were hanged on <strong>the</strong> hooks used by slaughterers.” Mihai Antonescu’s secretary confirmed <strong>the</strong> military prosecutor’s description and added that some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> victims were hooked up while still alive, to allow <strong>the</strong> torturers to “chop up” <strong>the</strong>ir bodies. Evidence indicates that <strong>the</strong> CML actively participated in <strong>the</strong> pogrom—torturing, executing and looting. The “Engineer G. Clime” CML headquarters was a particularly frightening torture center. There, CML teams tortured hundreds and shot dozens <strong>of</strong> men and women. Also, CML people selected ninety Jews (<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> two hundred who had been tortured in <strong>the</strong> CML torture centers) and drove <strong>the</strong>m in trucks to <strong>the</strong> Jilava forest. After leaving <strong>the</strong> trucks <strong>the</strong>y were shot from a two-foot distance. Eighty-six naked bodies were found lying in <strong>the</strong> snow-covered forest, and <strong>the</strong> mouths <strong>of</strong> those with gold teeth were horribly mutilated. Rabbi Tzwi Gutman, who was shot twice, was among <strong>the</strong> few who did not die in this massacre. His two sons were killed. In all, 125 Jews were killed during <strong>the</strong> Bucharest pogrom. The Bucharest pogrom also introduced <strong>the</strong> chapter <strong>of</strong> mass abuse <strong>of</strong> Jewish women, who were sometimes raped in <strong>the</strong> presence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir families. In addition to <strong>the</strong> slaughter, <strong>the</strong>re were also severe Legionary attacks on synagogues during <strong>the</strong> Bucharest pogrom. The assault began in <strong>the</strong> afternoon <strong>of</strong> January 21, climaxed during that evening, and continued <strong>the</strong> next day. This was a predictable turn <strong>of</strong> events because, since its establishment in 1927, Iron Guard rallies typically ended in acts <strong>of</strong> vandalism directed against synagogues. The Legionnaires attacked all synagogues at <strong>the</strong> same time, burning Torah scrolls, pillaging religious objects, money, furniture and valuables, and vandalizing synagogue interiors. In some instances, <strong>the</strong> Legionnaires began <strong>the</strong>ir attacks during <strong>the</strong> prayer, which happened at <strong>the</strong> Coral Temple (those who were present at <strong>the</strong> time were taken to Jilava and killed). In <strong>the</strong> end, <strong>the</strong> perpetrators set <strong>the</strong> synagogue on fire, and two burnt entirely to <strong>the</strong> ground. One <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se was <strong>the</strong> Cahal Grande Synagogue, one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most beautiful in Europe. When fire brigades—alarmed that <strong>the</strong> fire might reach adjoining buildings—came to put it out, <strong>the</strong>y were prevented from doing so by <strong>the</strong> Legionnaires overseeing <strong>the</strong> scene. Antonescu’s military prosecutor who investigated <strong>the</strong> events gave a graphic description <strong>of</strong> what he saw: “The Spanish Temple seemed like a giant torch that lugubriously lit <strong>the</strong> capital’s sky. The Legionnaires performed a devilish dance next to <strong>the</strong> fire while singing ‘The Aria <strong>of</strong> Legionnaire Youth’ and some were kicking three naked women into <strong>the</strong> fire. The wretched victims’ shrieks <strong>of</strong> despair tore through <strong>the</strong> sky.” <strong>Final</strong>ly, <strong>the</strong> Legionnaires, <strong>the</strong>ir affiliated organizations, and regular mobs all participated in destroying and pillaging Jewish commercial and private property during <strong>the</strong> pogrom. Some homes were burned down or completely demolished. In total, 1,274 buildings—commercial and residential—were destroyed. The Federation <strong>of</strong> Jewish Communities in Romania evaluated <strong>the</strong> damage to be worth 383 million Lei (<strong>the</strong> sum also includes <strong>the</strong> damage to synagogues). After <strong>the</strong> Legionary rebellion was put down, <strong>the</strong> army found 200 trucks loaded with jewels and cash. The Political and Ideological Foundations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Antonescu Regime, February-June 1941
Page 1 and 2:
Final Repo
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Germany’s war against the
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which includes reputed experts led
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BACKGROUND AND PRECURSORS TO THE HO
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against which antisemites in <stron
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declaring in the p
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them. Thus, he con
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We must organize ourselves for a wa
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ureaucracy of wart
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this direction by Nicolae C. Paules
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promising leader of</strong
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organized a tariff and tax strike.
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Legion of
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less so in Romanian society as a wh
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This ambiguous, self-contradictory
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The Gigurtu government began to con
Page 33 and 34: The Case of Român
Page 35 and 36: Cuza’s argument that it is possib
Page 37 and 38: Românesc,” Sociologie Româneasc
Page 39 and 40: ole in the early 1
Page 41 and 42: European states, notably Romania an
Page 43 and 44: Germany's immediate interests at <s
Page 45 and 46: eligious communities, the</
Page 47 and 48: counterpart, “when [he] first met
Page 49 and 50: de Istorie şi Arheologie, “A. D.
Page 51 and 52: Romania. Muler to Luthe</st
Page 53 and 54: demands on territorial revisions an
Page 55 and 56: military mission to come to Romania
Page 57 and 58: High Command, informing the
Page 59 and 60: The Jews and the R
Page 61 and 62: Romanian army. Thus, in Ciudei in <
Page 63 and 64: antisemitism in Romanian society an
Page 65 and 66: Ibid., fond Micro-films, roll I.II,
Page 67 and 68: manifestations of
Page 69 and 70: power, as this power colonized West
Page 71 and 72: attraction, many Jews resettled in
Page 73 and 74: to defend itself; hence its support
Page 75 and 76: about the Holocaus
Page 77 and 78: Nichifor Crainic, “Dupa douazeci
Page 79 and 80: Isaia Tolan, “Revizuirea incetate
Page 81 and 82: X. Y. Z., “Rezolvarea problemei e
Page 83: andom searches and arrests, robberi
Page 87 and 88: epression was not ordered by Antone
Page 89 and 90: from villages and small towns. On J
Page 91 and 92: accident; it was contrived by <stro
Page 93 and 94: The second train to leave Iasi for
Page 95 and 96: care of th
Page 97 and 98: "premilitary," were also placed at
Page 99 and 100: according to the o
Page 101 and 102: Tighina Agreement On August 30, Tra
Page 103 and 104: elieved Transnistria would be occup
Page 105 and 106: the 331,000 Ukrain
Page 107 and 108: those inside to take the</s
Page 109 and 110: [longer] move.” After several wee
Page 111 and 112: eappear a few seconds later and sig
Page 113 and 114: operation and that “some
Page 115 and 116: Bukovina and Bessarabia. Einsatzkom
Page 117 and 118: other things, <str
Page 119 and 120: Berezovka district and burn <strong
Page 121 and 122: them in exchange f
Page 123 and 124: transport of 2,000
Page 125 and 126: Bulgarian, Turkish, Italian, or Swi
Page 127 and 128: were at least 122,000 Jews. Bukovin
Page 129 and 130: Wilhelm Hoettl, The Secret Front: T
Page 131 and 132: Ancel, Documents, vol. 2: no. 136,
Page 133 and 134: Carp, Cartea neagra, vol. 3: pp. 30
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Gosudartsveni Archiv Odeskoi Oblast
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Cable from the Mil
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1-1087, p. 114; list of</st
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Ibid. “Rezolvarea problemei evrei
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child’s birth, would be considere
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Indeed, the system
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Romanianization instead of<
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The Cultural Ghettoization
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The Status of Jewi
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give up any radios able to send and
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Conclusions The anti-Jewish legisla
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L.A., no. 99, p. 344. Trei ani de g
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moral, social, and intellectual nee
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gradually, in reality the</
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except being defined as a Jew. I be
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egulate and authorize, under <stron
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y Lecca: Jews were privileged, and
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through the activi
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oth as a cry of re
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After coming to power, the<
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and then to send <
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their non-evacuate
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villages of <stron
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Return of Roma Sur
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(in many cases, the</strong
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in Romania. History and Contemporar
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THE ROLE OF ION ANTONESCU IN THE PL
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December 16, 1941, meeting
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me from carrying out the</s
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did not do it because…the
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more ironically, this leader’s wa
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THE HOLOCAUST IN NORTHERN TRANSYLVA
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Others 22 968 Magy
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ultimatum but also consented to <st
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military, political, and psychologi
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command over the g
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Huedin. The Jews of</strong
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authorities set up two ghettos in <
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Secuilor counties was carried out i
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the procedure foll
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deportation trains per day. While E
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Deportation Trains from Nor
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Câtcău Kackó Ciuc Csík Ciucea C
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Rona de Sus Felsöróna Rozavica Ro
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Bözödújfalu Bezidu Nou Budfalva
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Nagysajó Şieu (Bistrita-Nasaud Co
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(Indictment of Naz
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Randolph L. Braham, comp. and ed. (
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perceived by a significant part <st
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Romanian government not to adopt <s
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still alive in the
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the Jews who worke
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We have been informed that various
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church bells announce the</
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Mitropolit pleaded with Mihai Anton
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Pozdnyakova, Yefrosiniya Starostina
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Ibid., pp. 224-225. Ibid., pp. 46-4
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the examined cases
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escape with negligible punishment;
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immense scale, enslaved millions <s
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means. The “ethnic Christian stat
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it is evident that the</str
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face să pară evident că victimel
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viaţă, 100 milioane lei amendă
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Articolul 15 al Convenţiei de armi
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members accepted as authoritative s
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camp in January 1945, for several m
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Beginning in the 1
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such access was strictly supervised
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enefit from translation into Englis
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furthermore, he ha
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lucrative Jewish business ever,”
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deaths of thousand
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Treptow who was residing in Romania
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Finally, it must b
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A.) Integral Negationism Although <
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other genocides re
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mankind, such as wars; the<
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age of 44, only on
Page 293 and 294:
After deploring the</strong
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Michael Shafir, “Ex Occidente Obs
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See, for example, Giurescu who make
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Randolph L. Braham, Romanian Nation
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Mediafax, March 18, 2002, Monitorul
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See Ibidem, pp. 3, 54-55. Ibidem, p
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Radu Theodoru, Mareşalul, Editura
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egained from the U
Page 309 and 310:
was a record of an
Page 311 and 312:
secondary school use. Those institu
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including erecting statues, mountin
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