Final Report of the International Commission on the - Minority Rights ...

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Antisemitic Propaganda and Official Rhetoric concerning <strong>the</strong> Judeo-Bolshevik Danger: Romanian Jews and Communism between 1938–1944. Introduction “Judeo-Bolshevism,” one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> central <strong>the</strong>mes <strong>of</strong> fascist ideology, places <strong>the</strong> alliance between Jews and communists at <strong>the</strong> origins <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> communist movement and <strong>the</strong> Bolshevik revolution. It considers Jews to be <strong>the</strong> true inspirers and culprits <strong>of</strong> undermining public order. Although it is a variant <strong>of</strong> an older conspiracy-<strong>the</strong>ory view <strong>of</strong> history—<strong>the</strong> “Judeo-Masonic” plot narratives—<strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Judeo- Bolshevik plot has an even wider historical diffusion and greater political implications. In <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> antisemitism, <strong>the</strong> “Judeo-Bolshevik danger” has been dealt with from at least three different and complementary angles. The first is its treatment as an epistemological formula, which places Judeo-Bolshevism into <strong>the</strong> cognitive structure <strong>of</strong> pre-scientific (“primitive”) thought, which makes it a hyper-deterministic concept, as in <strong>the</strong> “diabolic causality,” analyzed by Léon Poliakov. The second analytical approach is that <strong>of</strong> political history. This approach characterizes studies on revolutionary socialist movements, <strong>the</strong>ir position with respect to antisemitism, and <strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> emancipation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jews. <strong>Final</strong>ly, <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>me <strong>of</strong> Judeo-Bolshevism is approached by studies on <strong>the</strong> social history <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> European Jewish communities from <strong>the</strong> point <strong>of</strong> view <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> effects <strong>of</strong> fascist and Stalinist violence. The steadfastness with which Jews are demonized and blamed for all social crises indicates <strong>the</strong> reproductive force <strong>of</strong> certain archaic stereotypes that cross <strong>the</strong> ages and render impotent scientific explanations. This steadfastness necessitates an analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> topic that is both historical and trans-historical. The following chapter, <strong>the</strong>refore, will focus on three historically determined aspects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> available literature on <strong>the</strong> period <strong>of</strong> Romanian history stretching from 1938 to 1944. First, from <strong>the</strong> point <strong>of</strong> view <strong>of</strong> political history, it focuses on <strong>the</strong> fact that a number <strong>of</strong> members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jewish minority in Romania joined labor movements during <strong>the</strong> interwar period and regard <strong>the</strong>se allegiances as modes <strong>of</strong> emancipation and integration into <strong>the</strong> social and political life <strong>of</strong> Romania. During <strong>the</strong> interwar years, due to its multiethnic, a<strong>the</strong>ist and internationalist character, <strong>the</strong> socialist movement placed itself into <strong>the</strong> avant-garde <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> modernization process in Romania. It needs to be stressed, never<strong>the</strong>less, that militants <strong>of</strong> Jewish origin did not act as representatives <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jewish community, as religious belonging was meaningless in an a<strong>the</strong>ist movement or party. The overrepresentation <strong>of</strong> ethnic minorities within <strong>the</strong> communist parties <strong>of</strong> those years was a direct effect <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nationalist conflicts and discrimination against minorities that plagued interwar Romanian politics. While generally favorable to granting equal rights to <strong>the</strong> Jews, nei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> Romanian socialists nor <strong>the</strong> Romanian communists spared <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> antisemitic stereotypes in <strong>the</strong>ir discourse and imagery, such as <strong>the</strong> caricatured representation <strong>of</strong> capitalism and <strong>the</strong> bourgeoisie in <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jewish usurer. It turned out that <strong>the</strong> critique <strong>of</strong> international plutocracy could turn into a locus <strong>of</strong> encounter f nationalist and left wing positions. This locus later became <strong>the</strong> breeding ground <strong>of</strong> Nicolae Ceausescu’s nationalist-socialist regime. Second, in terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> political ideas, conspiracy <strong>the</strong>ories on <strong>the</strong> world Jewish plot (among which <strong>the</strong> Judeo-Bolshevik <strong>the</strong>ory is but one variety) are <strong>the</strong> products <strong>of</strong> a diabolical representation <strong>of</strong> history, and <strong>the</strong> result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> secularization <strong>of</strong> religious superstitions (Karl Popper). Diabolic causality systematically assigns to a group or certain individuals <strong>the</strong> power to trigger malefic events because <strong>the</strong>y would benefit <strong>the</strong>se individuals or groups. The “diabolic causality” is typical to “primitive mentalities” (Levy-Bruhl) and is defined by scholars as pre-scientific or pre-logical (Leon Brunschvig). It demonstrates <strong>the</strong> perpetuation <strong>of</strong> certain mystical forms <strong>of</strong> thought in modern society as well as certain
manifestations <strong>of</strong> intellectual regression in Soviet societies. It is necessary to distinguish between <strong>the</strong> reproductive capacity <strong>of</strong> such superstitions in any society and <strong>the</strong>ir political operationalization in ideological constructions with criminal effects, such as “Judeo-Bolshevism.” Third, a major argument against <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>sis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Judeo-Bolshevik plot is <strong>the</strong> typically nonviolent history <strong>of</strong> pre-Holocaust European Jewish communities. Contrary to <strong>the</strong> antisemitic <strong>the</strong>sis, Jews were generally loyal to bourgeois democratic regimes. This loyalty was based on <strong>the</strong> twin historical processes <strong>of</strong> social assimilation and social mobility. The adherence to ideologies <strong>of</strong> revolutionary salvation was statistically negligible and in effect, was a direct consequence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> growth <strong>of</strong> antisemitic political nationalism in late nineteenth-century. Moreover, <strong>the</strong> Jewish “habitus” was characterized, in fact, by <strong>the</strong> absence <strong>of</strong> narratives <strong>of</strong> domination and by <strong>the</strong> delegitimation <strong>of</strong> violent action, especially physical violence. The Jews’ relationship with violence, which generated <strong>the</strong> “fascist-Stalinist mentality” during <strong>the</strong> 1930s and 1940s in Central Europe, was lower in comparison to o<strong>the</strong>r ethno-religious communities. This is demonstrated by <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> Jewish community censored violence relating to many facets <strong>of</strong> social life, such as economic relationships, education, social status relationships, neighborhood and interethnic relationships, marital or extramarital sexual relations, and forms <strong>of</strong> socialization (e.g., <strong>the</strong> relationship with <strong>the</strong> consumption <strong>of</strong> alcoholic beverages). Toge<strong>the</strong>r, all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se factors led to a form <strong>of</strong> collective censorship that limited <strong>the</strong> violence in <strong>the</strong> Jewish community. The non-violent nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jewish community was largely due to <strong>the</strong> exemption <strong>of</strong> its male members from military service and <strong>the</strong>ir ineligibility for military careers, which shielded <strong>the</strong> Jews from <strong>the</strong> ritual exercise <strong>of</strong> combat experienced by o<strong>the</strong>r ethnic communities. French sociologist Victor Karady, based on a thorough investigation, has described <strong>the</strong> life <strong>of</strong> Hungarian Jews during <strong>the</strong> first half <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century, which was similar to Jewish life in Romania. “If <strong>the</strong> crimes and misdemeanors against <strong>the</strong> state were ra<strong>the</strong>r rare, physical aggression and violence was even rarer among <strong>the</strong>ir population. The number <strong>of</strong> Jews who committed petty crimes was proportionally smaller than in <strong>the</strong> general population and smaller still with regard to violent crimes. This [self-] censorship <strong>of</strong> aggressiveness applied equally to physical damage (arson) or burglary… which affect o<strong>the</strong>r people’s goods. The inclination <strong>of</strong> abstaining from physical violence <strong>of</strong> any kind seems to be confirmed in a general way. The only important exception is a duel, which belongs to <strong>the</strong> honor code <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> elites, assimilated with <strong>the</strong> old aristocracy but repressed by <strong>the</strong> penal code. [One] is right to see in <strong>the</strong> over-representation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jews in duels <strong>the</strong> exception which confirms <strong>the</strong> rule. In short, violent crimes represent only 1/5 (20.3 percent) <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> infractions committed by <strong>the</strong> Jews in comparison to <strong>the</strong> morethan-double proportion …(42.1 percent) <strong>of</strong> non-Jews…In this respect, we already evoked family morality (and as a hypo<strong>the</strong>sis, school education), <strong>the</strong>ir rapport with <strong>the</strong> state, toward sexuality, toward <strong>the</strong>ir recreational activities, fields from which one could say that assimilated Judaism from <strong>the</strong> period <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> old Hungarian regime [until <strong>the</strong> war] is pro<strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong> a better control <strong>of</strong> aggressiveness and <strong>the</strong> correlative impulses <strong>of</strong> a renouncement <strong>of</strong> using physical force.” The use <strong>of</strong> massive violence against Jews during <strong>the</strong> Holocaust led to deep identity shifts in <strong>the</strong> Jewish psyche; <strong>the</strong> moral pact with <strong>the</strong> “old society” was torn and <strong>the</strong> adoption <strong>of</strong> a radical strategy began: Zionist de-assimilation and to a lesser extent and for a shorter period <strong>of</strong> time, <strong>the</strong> adoption <strong>of</strong> socialism. In Romania, <strong>the</strong> de-assimilation strategy was <strong>the</strong> dominant strategy after 1944 and was spurred by both <strong>the</strong> Holocaust and <strong>the</strong> subsequent policies <strong>of</strong> forced assimilation and nationalist discrimination <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> communist regime. Characteristics <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Coverage <strong>of</strong> “Judeo-Bolshevism” in <strong>the</strong> Wartime Press Ideological Monotony The Romanian press between February 10, 1938, and August 23, 1944, was notable for its ideological
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Final Repo
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Germany’s war against the
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which includes reputed experts led
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BACKGROUND AND PRECURSORS TO THE HO
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against which antisemites in <stron
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declaring in the p
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them. Thus, he con
Page 15 and 16: We must organize ourselves for a wa
Page 17 and 18: ureaucracy of wart
Page 19 and 20: this direction by Nicolae C. Paules
Page 21 and 22: promising leader of</strong
Page 23 and 24: organized a tariff and tax strike.
Page 25 and 26: Legion of
Page 27 and 28: less so in Romanian society as a wh
Page 29 and 30: This ambiguous, self-contradictory
Page 31 and 32: The Gigurtu government began to con
Page 33 and 34: The Case of Român
Page 35 and 36: Cuza’s argument that it is possib
Page 37 and 38: Românesc,” Sociologie Româneasc
Page 39 and 40: ole in the early 1
Page 41 and 42: European states, notably Romania an
Page 43 and 44: Germany's immediate interests at <s
Page 45 and 46: eligious communities, the</
Page 47 and 48: counterpart, “when [he] first met
Page 49 and 50: de Istorie şi Arheologie, “A. D.
Page 51 and 52: Romania. Muler to Luthe</st
Page 53 and 54: demands on territorial revisions an
Page 55 and 56: military mission to come to Romania
Page 57 and 58: High Command, informing the
Page 59 and 60: The Jews and the R
Page 61 and 62: Romanian army. Thus, in Ciudei in <
Page 63 and 64: antisemitism in Romanian society an
Page 65: Ibid., fond Micro-films, roll I.II,
Page 69 and 70: power, as this power colonized West
Page 71 and 72: attraction, many Jews resettled in
Page 73 and 74: to defend itself; hence its support
Page 75 and 76: about the Holocaus
Page 77 and 78: Nichifor Crainic, “Dupa douazeci
Page 79 and 80: Isaia Tolan, “Revizuirea incetate
Page 81 and 82: X. Y. Z., “Rezolvarea problemei e
Page 83 and 84: andom searches and arrests, robberi
Page 85 and 86: Bucharest Prefectura. Almost two th
Page 87 and 88: epression was not ordered by Antone
Page 89 and 90: from villages and small towns. On J
Page 91 and 92: accident; it was contrived by <stro
Page 93 and 94: The second train to leave Iasi for
Page 95 and 96: care of th
Page 97 and 98: "premilitary," were also placed at
Page 99 and 100: according to the o
Page 101 and 102: Tighina Agreement On August 30, Tra
Page 103 and 104: elieved Transnistria would be occup
Page 105 and 106: the 331,000 Ukrain
Page 107 and 108: those inside to take the</s
Page 109 and 110: [longer] move.” After several wee
Page 111 and 112: eappear a few seconds later and sig
Page 113 and 114: operation and that “some
Page 115 and 116: Bukovina and Bessarabia. Einsatzkom
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other things, <str
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Berezovka district and burn <strong
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them in exchange f
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transport of 2,000
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Bulgarian, Turkish, Italian, or Swi
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were at least 122,000 Jews. Bukovin
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Wilhelm Hoettl, The Secret Front: T
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Ancel, Documents, vol. 2: no. 136,
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Carp, Cartea neagra, vol. 3: pp. 30
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Gosudartsveni Archiv Odeskoi Oblast
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Cable from the Mil
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1-1087, p. 114; list of</st
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Ibid. “Rezolvarea problemei evrei
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child’s birth, would be considere
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Indeed, the system
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Romanianization instead of<
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The Cultural Ghettoization
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The Status of Jewi
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give up any radios able to send and
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Conclusions The anti-Jewish legisla
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L.A., no. 99, p. 344. Trei ani de g
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moral, social, and intellectual nee
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gradually, in reality the</
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except being defined as a Jew. I be
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egulate and authorize, under <stron
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y Lecca: Jews were privileged, and
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through the activi
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oth as a cry of re
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After coming to power, the<
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and then to send <
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their non-evacuate
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villages of <stron
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Return of Roma Sur
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(in many cases, the</strong
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in Romania. History and Contemporar
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THE ROLE OF ION ANTONESCU IN THE PL
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December 16, 1941, meeting
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me from carrying out the</s
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did not do it because…the
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more ironically, this leader’s wa
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THE HOLOCAUST IN NORTHERN TRANSYLVA
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Others 22 968 Magy
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ultimatum but also consented to <st
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military, political, and psychologi
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command over the g
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Huedin. The Jews of</strong
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authorities set up two ghettos in <
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Secuilor counties was carried out i
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the procedure foll
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deportation trains per day. While E
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Deportation Trains from Nor
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Câtcău Kackó Ciuc Csík Ciucea C
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Rona de Sus Felsöróna Rozavica Ro
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Bözödújfalu Bezidu Nou Budfalva
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Nagysajó Şieu (Bistrita-Nasaud Co
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(Indictment of Naz
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Randolph L. Braham, comp. and ed. (
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perceived by a significant part <st
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Romanian government not to adopt <s
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still alive in the
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the Jews who worke
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We have been informed that various
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church bells announce the</
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Mitropolit pleaded with Mihai Anton
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Pozdnyakova, Yefrosiniya Starostina
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Ibid., pp. 224-225. Ibid., pp. 46-4
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the examined cases
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escape with negligible punishment;
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immense scale, enslaved millions <s
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means. The “ethnic Christian stat
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it is evident that the</str
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face să pară evident că victimel
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viaţă, 100 milioane lei amendă
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Articolul 15 al Convenţiei de armi
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members accepted as authoritative s
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camp in January 1945, for several m
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Beginning in the 1
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such access was strictly supervised
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enefit from translation into Englis
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furthermore, he ha
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lucrative Jewish business ever,”
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deaths of thousand
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Treptow who was residing in Romania
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Finally, it must b
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A.) Integral Negationism Although <
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other genocides re
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mankind, such as wars; the<
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age of 44, only on
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After deploring the</strong
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Michael Shafir, “Ex Occidente Obs
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See, for example, Giurescu who make
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Randolph L. Braham, Romanian Nation
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Mediafax, March 18, 2002, Monitorul
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See Ibidem, pp. 3, 54-55. Ibidem, p
Page 305 and 306:
Radu Theodoru, Mareşalul, Editura
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egained from the U
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was a record of an
Page 311 and 312:
secondary school use. Those institu
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including erecting statues, mountin
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