Final Report of the International Commission on the - Minority Rights ...

epression was not ordered by Antonescu “to soo<strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jewish community.”
The nature, timing and span <strong>of</strong> Antonescu’s policies vis-à-vis <strong>the</strong> Jews depended solely on his own
initiatives. After <strong>the</strong> repression <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Legionary uprising and at <strong>the</strong> very beginning <strong>of</strong> his term as sole
Leader (Conducator)—before he accepted Hitler’s arguments about <strong>the</strong> necessity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Final</strong> Solution—
Antonescu outlined <strong>the</strong> blueprints <strong>of</strong> his policies vis-à-vis <strong>the</strong> Jews in <strong>the</strong> Old Regat and sou<strong>the</strong>astern
Transylvania. The basic principles <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se policies were valid until <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> war against
USSR and were published in <strong>the</strong> press, which advocated a radical solution to <strong>the</strong> “Jewish issue” inspired
by <strong>the</strong> tenets <strong>of</strong> “radical nationalism,” and threatened that any o<strong>the</strong>r approach should be considered a
betrayal <strong>of</strong> Romanianism. The main components <strong>of</strong> this policy as it was implemented during <strong>the</strong>
following months were: continuing Romanianization using state-sanctioned means (legislation, trials,
expropriations) ra<strong>the</strong>r than terror; <strong>the</strong> gradual elimination <strong>of</strong> Jews from <strong>the</strong> national economy (based on
his assumption that Jews had great economic power, which led to undue influence in o<strong>the</strong>r realms); and
<strong>the</strong> integration <strong>of</strong> anti-Jewish repression in <strong>the</strong> regime’s <strong>of</strong>ficial plans, designed to lead to such aspects <strong>of</strong>
“national rejuvenation” as <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> an (ethnic) Romanian commercial class and <strong>of</strong> an (ethnic)
Romanian-controlled economy. At <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> his term Antonescu adopted a cautious attitude:
I will solve <strong>the</strong> Jewish problem simultaneously with my reorganization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state by gradually
replacing Jews in <strong>the</strong> national economy with Romanian public servants. The Legionnaires will have
priority and time to prepare for public service. Jewish property shall be largely nationalized in exchange
for indemnities. The Jews who entered Romania after 1913 shall be removed as soon as this becomes
possible, even though <strong>the</strong>y have since acquired citizenship. Jews will be allowed to live, yet <strong>the</strong>y will not
be allowed to capitalize on <strong>the</strong> resources <strong>of</strong> this country. Romanians must benefit first. For <strong>the</strong> rest, this
will be possible only if opportunities remain.”
Like <strong>the</strong> 1936 Goga government, Antonescu also waged a symbolic war against Judaism, which <strong>the</strong>
regime, <strong>the</strong> press, and some Romanian Orthodox Church clergy portrayed as satanic, deviant, and anti-
Christian. Additionally, Jews were directly blamed for causing <strong>the</strong> regime’s domestic difficulties ensuring
<strong>the</strong> general welfare <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> citizenry.
The Antonescu regime was not “revolutionary” in terms <strong>of</strong> supporting intellectuals or <strong>the</strong> composition
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> civil service. Basically, with few exceptions, <strong>the</strong> civil servants <strong>of</strong> past regimes <strong>of</strong> all political
stripes (including high-ranking civil servants, such as ministers), <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essional class, middle class, and
academics showed growing support for <strong>the</strong> regime. Motivated by <strong>the</strong>ir fear that <strong>the</strong> Romanian economy
would o<strong>the</strong>rwise fall into Nazi hands, even Liberal Party members joined in this effort (Antonescu
appointed a Liberal Party member as Minister <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Economy). This widespread collaboration <strong>of</strong>
mainstream Romanian politicians and intellectuals does not, however, mean that all Romanians identified
with <strong>the</strong> antisemitism <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Antonescu regime. The antisemitic press indicated <strong>the</strong> existence <strong>of</strong> several
“pockets <strong>of</strong> intellectual resistance” in <strong>the</strong> Romanian majority which rejected <strong>the</strong> regime’s onslaught
against <strong>the</strong> Jews.
Ultimately, Antonescu’s regime was not <strong>the</strong> embodiment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most intense Romanian extremist
antisemitism and nationalism. During <strong>the</strong> Second World War, <strong>the</strong>re were even more extremist antisemitic
political groups, such as <strong>the</strong> Legionnaires, who were ready to act on <strong>the</strong>ir hatred and exterminate <strong>the</strong>
Jews. Unlike <strong>the</strong>m, Antonescu was also guided by strategic considerations, at least in regard to <strong>the</strong> Jews
in <strong>the</strong> Regat and sou<strong>the</strong>rn Transylvania, since he understood <strong>the</strong>ir usefulness to Romania. Moreover, even
his antisemitic legislation excluded specific categories <strong>of</strong> Jews, such as decorated and reenlisted soldiers,
considered to have “made a real contribution” to <strong>the</strong> welfare <strong>of</strong> Romania.