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Final Report of the International Commission on the - Minority Rights ...

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government tried to subdue <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> antisemitic violence that had been unleashed under Goga and Cuza, but<br />

did not alter <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> antisemitic legislati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g>y had introduced (see below). Thus Crainic’s philosophy fit<br />

well within <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g>ological-political stance <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> Church.<br />

Crainic had a l<strong>on</strong>g associati<strong>on</strong> with Cuza. He served as Secretary General <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> League <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Nati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

Christian Defense and <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g>n, after its merger with Goga’s Nati<strong>on</strong>al Agrarian Party, fulfilled <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> same<br />

functi<strong>on</strong> for <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> Nati<strong>on</strong>al Christian Party. After <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> brief government <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> Nati<strong>on</strong>al Christian Party fell<br />

from power, Crainic became Minister <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Nati<strong>on</strong>al Propaganda in <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> pro-Nazi Government <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> I<strong>on</strong> Gigurtu<br />

(July 4-September 3, 1940), <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> last government <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> Royal Dictatorship and <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> first in which a number<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Ir<strong>on</strong> Guard ministers participated. Days later, Crainic hailed <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> arrival <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> Nati<strong>on</strong>al Legi<strong>on</strong>ary State<br />

as a passage from “death to resurrecti<strong>on</strong>.”<br />

In additi<strong>on</strong> to playing a traditi<strong>on</strong>al political role, <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> League <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Nati<strong>on</strong>al Cristian Defense organized<br />

militant student groups, led initially by Codreanu, and blue-shirted paramilitary units called Lancieri that<br />

disrupted university life, terrorized <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> country's Jews, and c<strong>on</strong>tributed to <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> street violence that became<br />

increasingly prevalent as <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> interwar years progressed. The League’s electoral strength in <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1920s<br />

never exceeded 4.76 percent <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> vote. It fell to less than <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> 2 percent required by law for parliamentary<br />

representati<strong>on</strong> in <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1927 and 1928 electi<strong>on</strong>s after Codreanu had broken away from <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> League to found<br />

his own movement, <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> Ir<strong>on</strong> Guard. But by <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1933 electi<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> League had recovered to 4.47 percent<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> vote, and Cuza’s party acquired nine seats in <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> Chamber <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Deputies. While <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> party was an<br />

influential voice <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> uncompromising antisemitism and was feared <strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> streets, it was losing influence to<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> youthful Ir<strong>on</strong> Guard, and <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> likelihood that it would achieve political power was remote.<br />

With encouragement from <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> Royal Palace, Crainic appears to have played a critical role in organizing<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> merger <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> Nati<strong>on</strong>al Agrarian Party and <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> League <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Nati<strong>on</strong>al Christian Defense to form <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

Nati<strong>on</strong>al Christian Party (PNC). The merger took place <strong>on</strong> July 16, 1935. Cuza, 78 years old, was elected<br />

“supreme chief” <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> new party, while Goga, at 53, became its president and de facto leader. Crainic<br />

became secretary general. The new party pooled <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> parliamentary seats <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> separate Goga and Cuza<br />

parties, giving <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> PNC a total <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> eighteen seats. The League’s swastika was adopted as <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ficial<br />

symbol <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> new party. Goga's newspaper Ţara Noastră (Our Country) became <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ficial party<br />

newspaper. Goga and Cuza were quick to associate <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> PNC with internati<strong>on</strong>al fascist causes and retained<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> Lăncieri as <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g>ir paramilitary force. Between 1935 and 1937, <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> Lancieri were resp<strong>on</strong>sible for Jewbaiting<br />

and brutality that rivaled that perpetrated by <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> Ir<strong>on</strong> Guard. Clashes between <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> Lăncieri and<br />

Ir<strong>on</strong> Guard units were not unusual and were <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten bloody . Imitating Hitler and Mussolini, Goga and<br />

Cuza organized massive displays <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> disciplined manpower in an effort to establish a claim to power. They<br />

assembled 200,000 blue-shirted men in Bucharest <strong>on</strong> November 8, 1936, <strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> occasi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a PNC<br />

c<strong>on</strong>gress .<br />

The platform <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> PNC included <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> antisemitic positi<strong>on</strong>s that had been in <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> platforms <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Goga<br />

and Cuza’s pre-merger parties. They were pro-m<strong>on</strong>archy, but advocated modificati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1923<br />

C<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> to ensure ethnic Romanian dominati<strong>on</strong> in all areas <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> nati<strong>on</strong>al life. They sought to guarantee<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> “nati<strong>on</strong>al character” <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> press and all cultural activity. The numerus clausus was to be imposed <strong>on</strong><br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> Jews. They wanted to expel Jews if <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g>y or <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g>ir ancestors had entered <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> country “by fraud” or “after<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> signing <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> peace treaty.” In additi<strong>on</strong> to <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> numerus clausus, Jews who remained in <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> country<br />

were to be excluded from all public <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>fices and <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> civil service . Unlike <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> Ir<strong>on</strong> Guard, Goga and Cuza<br />

did not call for regime change, but <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g>y were anxious to assume <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> reins <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> government in order to<br />

implement <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> antisemitic measures <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g>y had advocated for decades.<br />

Goga and Cuza wanted to establish closer relati<strong>on</strong>s with Germany, but not at <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> risk <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> country’s<br />

borders. They had been actively courted by elements <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> Nazi regime. As early as 1934 Alfred<br />

Rosenberg and Arno Schickedanz <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> Nazi Party’s Aussenpolitisches Amt settled <strong>on</strong> Goga as <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> most

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