Final Report of the International Commission on the - Minority Rights ...

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This measure was part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> government’s social policy. Since <strong>the</strong> deportation was limited to only part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Roma, <strong>the</strong>ir situation may seem to be parallel to that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jewish population. Only Jews from Bessarabia, Bukovina and from Dorohoi county were deported; <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r Romanian Jews—with only a few exceptions—were not. Never<strong>the</strong>less, during <strong>the</strong> war, <strong>the</strong> Romanian state led a policy which aimed at all Jews; <strong>the</strong> anti-Semitic legislation, <strong>the</strong> measures with racial content and <strong>the</strong> Romanization politics affected, albeit in different ways, all segments <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jewish population. From 1940–1944, <strong>the</strong> entire Jewish population was subject to heavy discrimination. It was not so with <strong>the</strong> Roma population. During those years <strong>the</strong>re was no measure taken in Romania against all Roma—that is, against <strong>the</strong> entire population registered on <strong>the</strong> census as „Gypsies” or identified as such by <strong>the</strong> authorities or <strong>the</strong> local population. Thus, <strong>the</strong> Antonescu government’s plans for <strong>the</strong> Roma were not limited to Transnistria. The deportation to <strong>the</strong> territory between <strong>the</strong> rivers Dniester and Bug remains <strong>the</strong> most important element though. The Romanians Population and <strong>the</strong> Deportation <strong>of</strong> Roma The deportation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Roma did not enjoy <strong>the</strong> support <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Romanian population, and protests came from all quarters. One category <strong>of</strong> protests came from <strong>the</strong> political and cultural elite. Thus, on September 16, 1942, while <strong>the</strong> deportations were underway, <strong>the</strong> chairman <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> National Liberal Party, Constantin I.C. Brătianu, sent a letter to Marshal Antonescu that invoked both humanitarian and moral arguments, calling <strong>the</strong> deportations persecutions “that will make us regress several centuries.” This letter was a political move: Brătianu argued that <strong>the</strong> responsibility <strong>of</strong> this decision was entirely Antonescu’s and that Antonescu’s policy toward <strong>the</strong> Roma had no relation to <strong>the</strong> policies <strong>of</strong> previous governments. He went on to argue, “<strong>the</strong>se Romanian citizens have not been subject to a special treatment in our state before now.” Brătianu did not fail to also mention “<strong>the</strong> persecutions and <strong>the</strong> deportations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jews, as reprisals against <strong>the</strong>ir co-religionists in Jews in Bukovina and Bessarabia and under <strong>the</strong> influence <strong>of</strong> German policies.” The leaders <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> National Peasant Party expressed <strong>the</strong>ir solidarity with Brătianu’s protest. The famous Romanian composer George Enescu pleaded in person with Antonescu against <strong>the</strong> deportation <strong>of</strong> Roma musicians and threatened to go with <strong>the</strong>m should that occur. Also, <strong>the</strong> management <strong>of</strong> several companies, such as <strong>the</strong> state-run Romanian Railway Company, defended <strong>the</strong>ir Roma employees out <strong>of</strong> fear that deportations would extend to new categories <strong>of</strong> Roma. Most documents indicate popular opposition to <strong>the</strong> deportation <strong>of</strong> Roma from all social classes, whereas few documents show support for <strong>the</strong> measure. Protest was usually expressed in <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong> letters or memoranda sent by individuals or entire communities to such public authorities as <strong>the</strong> Presidency <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Council <strong>of</strong> Ministers, Ion Antonescu personally, <strong>the</strong> Queen Mo<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong> Ministry <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Interior, and <strong>the</strong> Great Chief <strong>of</strong> Staff. These efforts aimed ei<strong>the</strong>r to stop deportations from a certain village or town or to secure <strong>the</strong> return <strong>of</strong> deportees to <strong>the</strong>ir homes. Most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se protests were made in fall 1942, after <strong>the</strong> deportation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “dangerous” sedentary Roma, and <strong>the</strong>y most likely were made out <strong>of</strong> fear that new categories <strong>of</strong> Roma would be added to <strong>the</strong> deportation lists. Also, many local municipalities issued “good behavior” papers for <strong>the</strong> local Roma who felt threatened, or <strong>the</strong>y intervened more directly to shield <strong>the</strong> local Roma from possible deportations. For example, in an October 1942 memorandum sent to Antonescu, <strong>the</strong> inhabitants from Popoveni village, Bolta Verde commune, Dolj, and from o<strong>the</strong>r villages as well from Craiova, ask that a Craiova, Ilie Dinca, not be deported to Transnistria. Also, in September 1942, a group <strong>of</strong> citizens from <strong>the</strong> town <strong>of</strong> Craiova asked <strong>the</strong> Council <strong>of</strong> Ministers for Ştefan Gâdea, <strong>the</strong> local tin sheet specialist, not to be deported to Transnistria. The same plea is made for local craftsmen (who “only by distant lineage can be considered Gypsies”) by 127 Romanians from Zimnicea in October 1942 in a memo sent to Marshal Antonescu. The arguments invoked in <strong>the</strong>se appeals include <strong>the</strong> good integration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Roma in <strong>the</strong> local community or <strong>the</strong>ir importance in its economic life
(in many cases, <strong>the</strong> Roma were <strong>the</strong> only craftsmen available in <strong>the</strong> village). However, <strong>the</strong>se objections to <strong>the</strong> deportation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Roma never concerned <strong>the</strong> nomadic Roma, whose deportation seems to have been considered justifiable by <strong>the</strong> Romanian majority. In fact, one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> arguments used by <strong>the</strong> sedentary Roma to defend <strong>the</strong>mselves against actual or possible deportations was that <strong>the</strong>y were not nomadic but had stable homes and performed useful work. The Postwar Years and <strong>the</strong> Treatment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Roma Deportations in War Crimes Trials After <strong>the</strong> return <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> surviving Roma from Transnistria in spring and summer 1944 and <strong>the</strong> regime change <strong>of</strong> August 1944, <strong>the</strong> “Gypsy issue” no longer figured on <strong>the</strong> political agenda in Romania and <strong>the</strong> reinstatement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Roma’s rights went smoothly. For <strong>the</strong> new government, <strong>the</strong> Roma became once again what <strong>the</strong>y were before Antonescu came to power: a marginalized social category, ra<strong>the</strong>r than an ethnic minority. As a consequence, <strong>the</strong> policies adopted vis-à-vis <strong>the</strong> Roma included such measures as <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> incentives to make <strong>the</strong> nomadic Roma sedentary and <strong>the</strong> re-establishment <strong>of</strong> former limits on <strong>the</strong> same Roma groups on <strong>the</strong> freedom <strong>of</strong> movement. There is no evidence indicating that <strong>the</strong> deportees received reparations, and <strong>the</strong> Roma’s problems did not reach <strong>the</strong> agendas <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> political parties. Although <strong>the</strong> fate <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Roma during <strong>the</strong> war—<strong>the</strong> deportations to Transnistria and <strong>the</strong> killings— were no longer <strong>of</strong> interest to ei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> government or <strong>the</strong> public, <strong>the</strong> postwar trials <strong>of</strong> war criminals temporarily brought <strong>the</strong>se events back into <strong>the</strong> discussion. Yet, <strong>the</strong> fate <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Roma was fairly marginal to <strong>the</strong> topics <strong>of</strong> interest. When <strong>the</strong> first group <strong>of</strong> war criminals was tried in 1945, only one indictment document mentions <strong>the</strong> Roma deportations (in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> Colonel Isopescu, prefect <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Golta county), and even <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>fenses concerned only <strong>the</strong> confiscation <strong>of</strong> Roma wagons and horses. The remainder <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> indictment was dedicated exclusively to <strong>the</strong> murders <strong>of</strong> Jews. The situation was similar when Ion Antonescu and his main collaborators were tried in 1946. While charges were formally brought against Antonescu for <strong>the</strong> deportation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Roma, <strong>the</strong> prosecutor did not dwell on <strong>the</strong> details. Thus, during Antonescu’s trial, <strong>the</strong> plight <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Roma was mentioned only four times: in <strong>the</strong> indictment, in <strong>the</strong> formal reading <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> charges, and in statements taken from Antonescu and General Vasiliu. The indictment notes in passing that “[t]housands <strong>of</strong> unfortunate families were taken out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir huts and shanty houses and deported beyond <strong>the</strong> Dniester; tens <strong>of</strong> thousands <strong>of</strong> men, women and children died due to starvation, cold and diseases.” The indictment refers to 26,000 deported Roma, while General Vasiliu acknowledged only 24,000. In <strong>the</strong> statement he gave during <strong>the</strong> interrogation, Ion Antonescu argued that <strong>the</strong> deportations were motivated by considerations <strong>of</strong> law and order (considerente de ordine publică): <strong>the</strong> Roma committed many <strong>the</strong>fts, robberies and murders in Bucharest and o<strong>the</strong>r cities during <strong>the</strong> wartime curfew. He made <strong>the</strong> same argument in his May 15, 1946, memorandum to <strong>the</strong> Peoples’ Court. At <strong>the</strong> time, press coverage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fate <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Roma during <strong>the</strong> war was scant, even as <strong>the</strong> details <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> trials were systematically presented. In <strong>the</strong> early postwar years <strong>the</strong> fate <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Romanian Roma during <strong>the</strong> war did not seem to interest anyone. The only initiative to support <strong>the</strong> ex-deportees in Transnistria came in early 1945 from <strong>the</strong> General Union <strong>of</strong> Roma in Romania. Its central committee announced that <strong>the</strong> organization’s main objective was “to give moral and material support to all <strong>the</strong> Roma, and in particular to all <strong>the</strong> Roma deported to Transnistria.” However, after this organization began to function effectively again, on August 15, 1947, its activities no longer concerned <strong>the</strong> former Roma deportees. <strong>Final</strong>ly, in 1948 <strong>the</strong> Roma were close to obtaining <strong>the</strong> status <strong>of</strong> ethnic minority (“co-inhabitant nationality”). The December resolution on <strong>the</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> ethnic minorities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Political Bureau <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Central Committee <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Romanian Workers’ Party—a key document <strong>of</strong> Communist-era minority policies—denied <strong>the</strong> Roma this status. The situation remained unchanged until <strong>the</strong> collapse <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> communist regime in 1989. In addition, <strong>the</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> deportation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Roma was not mentioned in
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Final Repo
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Germany’s war against the
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which includes reputed experts led
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BACKGROUND AND PRECURSORS TO THE HO
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against which antisemites in <stron
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declaring in the p
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them. Thus, he con
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We must organize ourselves for a wa
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ureaucracy of wart
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this direction by Nicolae C. Paules
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promising leader of</strong
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organized a tariff and tax strike.
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Legion of
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less so in Romanian society as a wh
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This ambiguous, self-contradictory
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The Gigurtu government began to con
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The Case of Român
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Cuza’s argument that it is possib
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Românesc,” Sociologie Româneasc
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ole in the early 1
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European states, notably Romania an
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Germany's immediate interests at <s
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eligious communities, the</
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counterpart, “when [he] first met
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de Istorie şi Arheologie, “A. D.
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Romania. Muler to Luthe</st
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demands on territorial revisions an
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military mission to come to Romania
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High Command, informing the
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The Jews and the R
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Romanian army. Thus, in Ciudei in <
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antisemitism in Romanian society an
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Ibid., fond Micro-films, roll I.II,
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manifestations of
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power, as this power colonized West
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attraction, many Jews resettled in
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to defend itself; hence its support
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about the Holocaus
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Nichifor Crainic, “Dupa douazeci
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Isaia Tolan, “Revizuirea incetate
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X. Y. Z., “Rezolvarea problemei e
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andom searches and arrests, robberi
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Bucharest Prefectura. Almost two th
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epression was not ordered by Antone
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from villages and small towns. On J
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accident; it was contrived by <stro
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The second train to leave Iasi for
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care of th
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"premilitary," were also placed at
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according to the o
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Tighina Agreement On August 30, Tra
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elieved Transnistria would be occup
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the 331,000 Ukrain
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those inside to take the</s
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[longer] move.” After several wee
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eappear a few seconds later and sig
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operation and that “some
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Bukovina and Bessarabia. Einsatzkom
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other things, <str
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Berezovka district and burn <strong
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them in exchange f
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transport of 2,000
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Bulgarian, Turkish, Italian, or Swi
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were at least 122,000 Jews. Bukovin
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Wilhelm Hoettl, The Secret Front: T
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Page 133 and 134: Carp, Cartea neagra, vol. 3: pp. 30
Page 135 and 136: Gosudartsveni Archiv Odeskoi Oblast
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Page 141 and 142: Ibid. “Rezolvarea problemei evrei
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Page 155 and 156: Conclusions The anti-Jewish legisla
Page 157 and 158: L.A., no. 99, p. 344. Trei ani de g
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Page 173 and 174: After coming to power, the<
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Page 181: Return of Roma Sur
Page 185 and 186: in Romania. History and Contemporar
Page 187 and 188: THE ROLE OF ION ANTONESCU IN THE PL
Page 189 and 190: December 16, 1941, meeting
Page 191 and 192: me from carrying out the</s
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Page 197 and 198: THE HOLOCAUST IN NORTHERN TRANSYLVA
Page 199 and 200: Others 22 968 Magy
Page 201 and 202: ultimatum but also consented to <st
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Romanian government not to adopt <s
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still alive in the
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the Jews who worke
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We have been informed that various
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church bells announce the</
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Mitropolit pleaded with Mihai Anton
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Pozdnyakova, Yefrosiniya Starostina
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Ibid., pp. 224-225. Ibid., pp. 46-4
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the examined cases
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escape with negligible punishment;
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immense scale, enslaved millions <s
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means. The “ethnic Christian stat
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it is evident that the</str
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face să pară evident că victimel
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viaţă, 100 milioane lei amendă
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Articolul 15 al Convenţiei de armi
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members accepted as authoritative s
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camp in January 1945, for several m
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Beginning in the 1
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such access was strictly supervised
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enefit from translation into Englis
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furthermore, he ha
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lucrative Jewish business ever,”
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deaths of thousand
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Treptow who was residing in Romania
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Finally, it must b
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A.) Integral Negationism Although <
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other genocides re
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mankind, such as wars; the<
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age of 44, only on
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After deploring the</strong
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Michael Shafir, “Ex Occidente Obs
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See, for example, Giurescu who make
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Randolph L. Braham, Romanian Nation
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Mediafax, March 18, 2002, Monitorul
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See Ibidem, pp. 3, 54-55. Ibidem, p
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Radu Theodoru, Mareşalul, Editura
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egained from the U
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was a record of an
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secondary school use. Those institu
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including erecting statues, mountin
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