Final Report of the International Commission on the - Minority Rights ...

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daughter ; Nicoara Pomut <strong>of</strong> Borsa, Maramures, hid Tobias Yer<strong>the</strong>rger in his home until <strong>the</strong> town was liberated by <strong>the</strong> Romanian army. Elisabeta Farcas from Targu Mures hid Abraham Erno and <strong>the</strong> Hidegs. Rozalia Grosz from Dej sheltered Olga Hirsch-Schnabel from spring to autumn 1944, when <strong>the</strong> Romanian and Soviet armies liberated Dej. Some clergymen also protested <strong>the</strong> persecution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jews and worked to help <strong>the</strong>m. Gheorghe Mangra, manager <strong>of</strong> a religious school in Oradea (Seminarul Roman Unit), and teacher Emil Maxim hid several Jewish children in <strong>the</strong> school building. On May 18, 1944, Bishop Aron Marton delivered a sermon in Saint Michael Ca<strong>the</strong>dral in Cluj deploring <strong>the</strong> persecution <strong>of</strong> Jews in Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Transylvania. He was declared persona non grata on Hungarian-controlled territory and had to move to Alba Iulia (in Romanian-controlled territory), where he remained until <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> war. On April 2, 1944, Bishop Iuliu Hossu issued an appeal to <strong>the</strong> clergy asking <strong>the</strong>m to help <strong>the</strong> Jews (Catre preoti si mireni. Chemare pentru ajutorarea evreilor): “We call on you bro<strong>the</strong>rs to help <strong>the</strong> Jews not only by thoughts <strong>of</strong> solidarity, but also with deeds, as we know that today <strong>the</strong>re can be no better Christian or Romanian deed <strong>of</strong> human warmth. Helping <strong>the</strong> Jews is <strong>the</strong> most important task ahead <strong>of</strong> us today.” Several rescuers were caught and punished. Veronika Deak, a clerk in <strong>the</strong> Lazuri town hall in Satu Mare County, issued fake identity papers for eighteen Jews, who were consequently saved from deportation. Deak was sentenced to one year in prison. Emil Socor from Cluj was jailed for six months for having helped Jews. The names <strong>of</strong> many rescuers remain unknown, as sometimes rescuers would not reveal <strong>the</strong>ir identity. For example, Rabbi Iosef Panet <strong>of</strong> Ileanda Mare and his nine children were rescued from <strong>the</strong> Dej ghetto by shepherds who gave <strong>the</strong>m peasant clo<strong>the</strong>s so that authorities would lose track <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m. Solidarity and Rescue Actions Undertaken by Romanian Politicians After Wilhelm Filderman’s deportation to Transnistria on May 31, 1943, many politicians, including leaders <strong>of</strong> democratic parties (N. Lupu, I. Maniu, M. Popovici, and C. Angelescu) assailed Antonescu with protests aimed at Filderman’s liberation. After two months, Filderman was allowed to return to Bucharest. Dimitrie Lupu, chairman <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Romanian Supreme Court, helped many Jews through counseling and by bringing toge<strong>the</strong>r Jewish leaders (such as Filderman or C.S. Cristian, leader <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Iasi Jewish community) with Romanian <strong>of</strong>ficials in order to prevent or stop antisemitic measures; Filderman, for example, was given access to Mihai Antonescu and King Mihai. Prince Barbu Stirbey, former vice president <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1927 Romanian Council <strong>of</strong> Ministers, sent large sums <strong>of</strong> money to Jews in Transnistria. The police discovered this and issued <strong>the</strong> following statement: “As a result <strong>of</strong> our investigation, we have learned that Barbu Stirbey, owner <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Buftea lands, factories, and castle, once sent 200,000 lei in cash to help poor Jewish deportees in Transnistria.” On July 14, 1942, Dori Popovici, former minister in <strong>the</strong> Averescu government, a leader <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Democratic Party for <strong>the</strong> Union with Bukovina, and subsequently a leader <strong>of</strong> People’s Party, sent a letter to Mihai Antonescu vehemently denouncing <strong>the</strong> deportations <strong>of</strong> Jews from Bukovina to Transnistria: These methods are alien to a civilized country, alien to <strong>the</strong> spirituality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Romanian population in this region, a population educated for fifty years to respect <strong>the</strong> law and public morals. These methods were applied without any reason or motivation and this population was condemned to watch convoys <strong>of</strong> hundreds and thousands <strong>of</strong> Jews, many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m lifetime acquaintances or neighbors, being escorted by armed guards in <strong>the</strong> streets <strong>of</strong> Cernauti with only what <strong>the</strong>y could carry on those Sunday mornings when
church bells announce <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mass. This Romanian population had to watch <strong>the</strong> heartbreaking scene <strong>of</strong> thousands <strong>of</strong> Jews crying and yelling with desperation during this pitiful march in <strong>the</strong> streets <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> city. Aurel Socol, a top-ranking NPP member, “carried out dangerous activities to facilitate <strong>the</strong> passage <strong>of</strong> Jewish refugees through Romania. Socol, along with twelve Jewish refugees from Poland, was caught by <strong>the</strong> Hungarian authorities and taken to Budapest to <strong>the</strong> Gestapo prison at Svabhegy.” The leaders <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> historical parties were also involved in saving <strong>the</strong> Jews. Iuliu Maniu and Constantin I.C. Bratianu repeatedly expressed <strong>the</strong>ir hope that Great Britain and <strong>the</strong> United States would eventually win <strong>the</strong> war, and <strong>the</strong> two leaders and <strong>the</strong>ir colleagues adopted a critical stance toward <strong>the</strong> antisemitic policies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Antonescu regime. This position was consistent with <strong>the</strong> National Peasant Party and <strong>the</strong> National Liberal Party’s hostile rejection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Antonescu regime. Recently consulted archival sources show that Iluilu Maniu’s intervention to Ion Antonescu in September 1942 was decisive in stopping <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> deportation plan to send <strong>the</strong> Romanian Jews to <strong>the</strong> death camps in Polond. The Romanian Secret Intelligence Service closely monitored every move made by <strong>the</strong> leaders <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se parties. A January 24, 1944, report <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Presidency <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Council <strong>of</strong> Ministers on <strong>the</strong> statements and interventions <strong>of</strong> political figures in favor <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> deported Jews noted, “Two domestic political groups sought to and did act in favor <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> deported Jews: <strong>the</strong> Liberals and <strong>the</strong> National Peasant Party leaders. The leaders and prominent personalities in <strong>the</strong>se two groups, in concert or individually, intervened by means <strong>of</strong> memos and special hearings to stop completely <strong>the</strong> deportations <strong>of</strong> Jews in Transnistria, or at least to slow down <strong>the</strong>ir pace in certain areas or with respect to certain guilty persons.” A Secret Intelligence Service report drafted in May 1943 mentioned that on August 14, 1942, Iuliu Maniu was ga<strong>the</strong>ring “materials on <strong>the</strong> manner in which <strong>the</strong> deportations from Bessarabia and Bukovina had been carried out.” Maniu’s <strong>the</strong>ory was that “deportations had been ordered by <strong>the</strong> Germans, agreed to by <strong>the</strong> Romanian government, and accelerated by a group <strong>of</strong> government <strong>of</strong>ficials with <strong>the</strong> aim <strong>of</strong> appropriating Jewish property; <strong>the</strong> overwhelming majority <strong>of</strong> Romanians reject such barbaric actions.” Unfortunately, Iuliu Maniu did not intervene in 1941 to stop <strong>the</strong> massacre <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jews. Along <strong>the</strong> same lines, NPP vice president Ion Mihalache stated on September 14, 1942, that <strong>the</strong> deportation <strong>of</strong> Jews was ordered “at <strong>the</strong> suggestion <strong>of</strong> foreign circles <strong>of</strong> power and influence,” and <strong>the</strong>y were “alien to <strong>the</strong> humane traditions <strong>of</strong> our people.” Ghita Pop, general secretary <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> NPP, declared on September 16, 1942, that his party opposed <strong>the</strong> deportation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jews, and o<strong>the</strong>r party leaders also protested based on <strong>the</strong> serious consequences that <strong>the</strong> deportations could have for Romania. In his turn, Dr. Nicolae Lupu, ano<strong>the</strong>r NPP leader, declared on September 28, 1942, that he was deeply disturbed by <strong>the</strong> news <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> deportation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jews and that he would plead against <strong>the</strong>m in front <strong>of</strong> Antonescu. An extensive report on <strong>the</strong> NPP and Iuliu Maniu mentioned that Maniu “was publicly known to have pleaded with Marshal Antonescu to stop <strong>the</strong> deportations; he demands that he not be told in which way. Only when <strong>the</strong> ambassadors <strong>of</strong> Turkey, Switzerland, and Sweden show him photos with <strong>the</strong> school buildings where Jews were rounded up does he reveal that he tried to convince Marshal Antonescu that such measures may have ‘deleterious consequences for our country.” In fact, new archival sources, which have been available only recently, clearly show that Maniu’s September 1942 intervention had a huge impact on Antonescu’s decision to cancel <strong>the</strong> deportation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jews from Romania to <strong>the</strong> extermination camps <strong>of</strong> Poland. A comprehensive Secret Intelligence Service report, dated January 24, 1944, notes that on September 23, 1942, while in a board meeting at <strong>the</strong> Bank <strong>of</strong> Romania, Bratianu, leader <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> National Liberal Party, stated that he had sent <strong>the</strong> Marshal a memo analyzing <strong>the</strong> situation <strong>of</strong> Jews in Romania from humanitarian, economic, social, and foreign policy standpoints. On September 25, 1942, Bratianu is
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Final Repo
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Germany’s war against the
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which includes reputed experts led
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BACKGROUND AND PRECURSORS TO THE HO
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against which antisemites in <stron
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declaring in the p
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them. Thus, he con
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We must organize ourselves for a wa
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ureaucracy of wart
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this direction by Nicolae C. Paules
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promising leader of</strong
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organized a tariff and tax strike.
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Legion of
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less so in Romanian society as a wh
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This ambiguous, self-contradictory
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The Gigurtu government began to con
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The Case of Român
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Cuza’s argument that it is possib
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Românesc,” Sociologie Româneasc
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ole in the early 1
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European states, notably Romania an
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Germany's immediate interests at <s
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eligious communities, the</
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counterpart, “when [he] first met
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de Istorie şi Arheologie, “A. D.
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Romania. Muler to Luthe</st
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demands on territorial revisions an
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military mission to come to Romania
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High Command, informing the
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The Jews and the R
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Romanian army. Thus, in Ciudei in <
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antisemitism in Romanian society an
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Ibid., fond Micro-films, roll I.II,
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manifestations of
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power, as this power colonized West
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attraction, many Jews resettled in
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to defend itself; hence its support
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about the Holocaus
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Nichifor Crainic, “Dupa douazeci
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Isaia Tolan, “Revizuirea incetate
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X. Y. Z., “Rezolvarea problemei e
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andom searches and arrests, robberi
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Bucharest Prefectura. Almost two th
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epression was not ordered by Antone
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from villages and small towns. On J
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accident; it was contrived by <stro
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The second train to leave Iasi for
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care of th
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"premilitary," were also placed at
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according to the o
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Tighina Agreement On August 30, Tra
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elieved Transnistria would be occup
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the 331,000 Ukrain
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those inside to take the</s
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[longer] move.” After several wee
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eappear a few seconds later and sig
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operation and that “some
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Bukovina and Bessarabia. Einsatzkom
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other things, <str
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Berezovka district and burn <strong
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them in exchange f
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transport of 2,000
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Bulgarian, Turkish, Italian, or Swi
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were at least 122,000 Jews. Bukovin
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Wilhelm Hoettl, The Secret Front: T
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Ancel, Documents, vol. 2: no. 136,
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Carp, Cartea neagra, vol. 3: pp. 30
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Gosudartsveni Archiv Odeskoi Oblast
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Cable from the Mil
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1-1087, p. 114; list of</st
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Ibid. “Rezolvarea problemei evrei
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child’s birth, would be considere
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Indeed, the system
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Romanianization instead of<
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The Cultural Ghettoization
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The Status of Jewi
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give up any radios able to send and
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Conclusions The anti-Jewish legisla
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L.A., no. 99, p. 344. Trei ani de g
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moral, social, and intellectual nee
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gradually, in reality the</
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except being defined as a Jew. I be
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egulate and authorize, under <stron
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y Lecca: Jews were privileged, and
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through the activi
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oth as a cry of re
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After coming to power, the<
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and then to send <
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their non-evacuate
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villages of <stron
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Return of Roma Sur
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(in many cases, the</strong
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in Romania. History and Contemporar
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THE ROLE OF ION ANTONESCU IN THE PL
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Page 247 and 248: Ibid., pp. 224-225. Ibid., pp. 46-4
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Page 267 and 268: camp in January 1945, for several m
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Page 283 and 284: Finally, it must b
Page 285 and 286: A.) Integral Negationism Although <
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age of 44, only on
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After deploring the</strong
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Michael Shafir, “Ex Occidente Obs
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See, for example, Giurescu who make
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Randolph L. Braham, Romanian Nation
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Mediafax, March 18, 2002, Monitorul
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See Ibidem, pp. 3, 54-55. Ibidem, p
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Radu Theodoru, Mareşalul, Editura
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egained from the U
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was a record of an
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secondary school use. Those institu
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including erecting statues, mountin
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