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The Gas Vans: A Critical Investigation - Holocaust Handbooks

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SANTIAGO ALVAREZ, THE GAS VANS 125<br />

claimed span of time (7 to 10 minutes, p. 17) technically impossible,<br />

though. I may add in passing that some witnesses claimed that the vans<br />

looked like motor buses (pp. 9, 17), moving trucks (p. 29) or ordinary<br />

prison vans (p. 50).<br />

It is astounding that, as early as late 1943, the Soviets had prisoners<br />

in their custody who were allegedly well familiar with the “gas vans,”<br />

but that none of these vans had fallen into their hands, although it was<br />

claimed that they had been frequently deployed behind the enemy lines<br />

by the Einsatzgruppen (see the Becker document of 16 May 1942 and<br />

the Just document of 5 June 1942). If these prisoners knew those vans<br />

so well, how come that there are no drawing prepared by them?<br />

Once more the trial transcript repeatedly claims as one of the major<br />

motivations for the alleged gas van murders the clearing of hospitals<br />

(pp. 54, 56-58, 74, 84, 96, 100, 102-108). It is interesting to note that<br />

Jews are not mentioned even once as the victims of these gas van murders<br />

in either trial. <strong>The</strong>y were added into the story only after the war,<br />

when depicting Jews as the unique victims of every German atrocity<br />

had become all the rage.<br />

In a later publication entitled German-Fascist Occupation Troops in<br />

the Stavropol Area: Soviet War Documents, from December 1943 and<br />

published by the Soviet Embassy in Washington, DC, we have a description<br />

of the gas van on page 172. According to that description, the<br />

engine was a “Sau[r]er” engine, hence with certainty a Diesel engine.<br />

<strong>The</strong> connection made here to a company called Saurer is significant,<br />

because it reappears in the infamous letter from Becker to Rauff in Nuremberg<br />

File 501-PS.<br />

3.4. <strong>The</strong> Psychological Framework of Postwar<br />

Confessions<br />

Much has been said and written about the appalling conditions prevailing<br />

during the trials against alleged war criminals in Germany immediately<br />

after the war and in the ensuing decades as well as about the<br />

many reasons for false or inaccurate confessions and testimonies. Instead<br />

of repeating or summarizing this, I refer the reader to a paper by<br />

Manfred Köhler (2003) and to the pertinent chapter in Rudolf’s Lectures<br />

on the <strong>Holocaust</strong> (2010, pp. 292-358). Later on, when dealing

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