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The Gas Vans: A Critical Investigation - Holocaust Handbooks

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248 SANTIAGO ALVAREZ, THE GAS VANS<br />

Byford summarizes the problems of witness statements in the Banjica<br />

case as follows:<br />

“As we have seen, some authors contend that the vehicle was<br />

used at the camp solely for the murder of Jews, or more specifically,<br />

Jewish women and children. Others claim that it was used against<br />

all categories of prisoners, including captured partisans and communist<br />

activists. <strong>The</strong> presence of the gas van at the camp is sometimes<br />

narrowed down to specific dates and selections of prisoners<br />

(for instance the execution on May 9, 1942), while in other instances<br />

it is said to have been used periodically throughout the occupation.<br />

<strong>The</strong> gas van is mostly referred to in the singular, but some of the<br />

sources claim that Germans had several such vehicles at their disposal.”<br />

(p. 14)<br />

“Thus, in addition to the problem of variability among the witness<br />

accounts, many of the claims and descriptions found in them<br />

are directly contradicted or proven impossible by other forms of evidence<br />

pertaining to the gas van’s mission in Serbia. Given that we<br />

know that there was only one gas van in Belgrade, which was deployed<br />

for a limited period (around six or seven weeks), between late<br />

March and early May 1942, there clearly could not have been two<br />

or more gas vans, the vehicle could not have been seen at Banjica in<br />

early March 1942, nor could the victims have walked out of it alive.<br />

[…] In other words, survivors claim to have witnessed the killing<br />

process itself. <strong>The</strong>ir version of events, however, contradicts what is<br />

known about the modus operandi of the mobile gas van in Belgrade.<br />

At Semlin, the van never even crossed the camp perimeter, and the<br />

gassing began after the vehicle crossed the pontoon bridge over the<br />

river Sava.” (p. 18)<br />

What Byford overlooks is that all of his claims about what we<br />

“know,” which is not founded in the documents analyzed in the previous<br />

chapter, is itself based on witness accounts, primarily made by defendants<br />

during numerous German trials. <strong>The</strong>ir reliability isn’t higher<br />

than those collected by Yugoslav commissions and historians either.<br />

Byford next tries to explain why nobody ever scrutinized these witness<br />

statements and revealed their unreliability:<br />

“And yet, institutions that played a dominant role in shaping official<br />

history and collective memory in postwar Yugoslav society did<br />

not reflect on the variability apparent in the testimonies or the inconsistencies<br />

found in them. <strong>The</strong>y were, similarly, not troubled by

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