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A Companion to Hildegard of Bingen

Beverly Mayne Kienzle, Debra L. Stoudt & George Ferzoco, "A Companion to Hildegard of Bingen". BRILL, Leiden - Boston, 2014.

Beverly Mayne Kienzle, Debra L. Stoudt & George Ferzoco, "A Companion to Hildegard of Bingen". BRILL, Leiden - Boston, 2014.

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252 debra l. s<strong>to</strong>udt<br />

St Augustine (354–430) claimed that, because the initial creation was a<br />

miracle, all that was within creation continued <strong>to</strong> be miraculous; however,<br />

since it became mundane <strong>to</strong> humankind, it was not viewed with<br />

the same awe as events that surpassed the routine, the supra naturam.11<br />

Scholastics such as Peter Abelard (1079–1142) and St Thomas Aquinas<br />

(1225/1227–1274) were particularly concerned with the interrelationship<br />

between natural magic, miracles, and demonic forces.12 Aquinas held that<br />

a true miracle was an event or act that humans could only understand<br />

through supernatural revelation.13 The scholastics conceded, however,<br />

that acts <strong>of</strong> natural magic were subject <strong>to</strong> manipulation by both divine<br />

and diabolical entities.<br />

Whether an act or event is deemed magical or miraculous depends<br />

in part on the individuals involved, as well as on those who report or<br />

record it. As Benedicta Ward notes: “‘Magic’ was . . . the accusation passed<br />

on miracles not acceptable <strong>to</strong> another party. The miracles <strong>of</strong> heretics are<br />

condemned as magic.”14 In designating an act as magic or miracle, the<br />

perceived orthodoxy <strong>of</strong> the individual involved may be <strong>of</strong> greater signifijicance<br />

than the act itself.<br />

Along with medicines, surgery, and diet—the three types <strong>of</strong> treatment<br />

identifijied in the Etymologiae <strong>of</strong> St Isidore <strong>of</strong> Seville (c.560–636)—charms,<br />

amulets, and ritual healing remained commonplace as means <strong>to</strong> care for<br />

and cure the sick throughout the Middle Ages. Reflexes <strong>of</strong> all <strong>of</strong> these<br />

methods are referenced among <strong>Hildegard</strong>’s healing arts.<br />

The Acta inquisitionis de virtutibus et miraculis sanctae <strong>Hildegard</strong>is, prepared<br />

in 1233 in support <strong>of</strong> <strong>Hildegard</strong>’s canonization, refers <strong>to</strong> two medical<br />

works by her, the Liber simplicis medicinae (Book <strong>of</strong> Simple Medicine), and<br />

the Liber compositae medicinae (Book <strong>of</strong> Composite Medicine);15 however,<br />

no manuscripts with these titles are extant.16 Today the former work is<br />

11 Benedicta Ward, Miracles and the Medieval Mind. Theory, Record and Event 1000–1215,<br />

rev. ed. (Philadelphia, 1987), pp. 3–4.<br />

12 Noel L. Brann, Trithemius and Magical Theology: A Chapter in the Controversy over<br />

Occult Studies in Early Modern Europe (Albany, 1999), pp. 17–27, <strong>of</strong>ffers a fijine summary <strong>of</strong><br />

the assertions made about magic and miracles by medieval religious.<br />

13 Brann, Trithemius, p. 21.<br />

14 Ward, Miracles and the Medieval Mind, p. 12.<br />

15 Acta inquisitionis de virtutibus et miraculis sanctae <strong>Hildegard</strong>is, eds. Charles Daremberg<br />

and F. A. Reuss, PL 197:139. Henceforth referred <strong>to</strong> as Acta inquisitionis.<br />

16 Regarding the manuscripts <strong>of</strong> <strong>Hildegard</strong>’s medical and scientifijic works, see also<br />

Michael Embach’s essay in this volume, pp. 273–304, especially pp. 298–300.

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