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A Companion to Hildegard of Bingen

Beverly Mayne Kienzle, Debra L. Stoudt & George Ferzoco, "A Companion to Hildegard of Bingen". BRILL, Leiden - Boston, 2014.

Beverly Mayne Kienzle, Debra L. Stoudt & George Ferzoco, "A Companion to Hildegard of Bingen". BRILL, Leiden - Boston, 2014.

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60 constant j. mews<br />

<strong>Hildegard</strong> was raised. The chronicler then identifijies various writings <strong>of</strong><br />

St Anselm, including a letter he sent <strong>to</strong> William <strong>of</strong> Hirsau (1026–1091).11<br />

While the letter <strong>to</strong> William was not important in itself, the fact that the<br />

chronicler singled it out from St Anselm’s correspondence discloses a conscious<br />

efffort <strong>to</strong> link two key monastic fijigures <strong>of</strong> the 11th century, both <strong>of</strong><br />

whom were given particular esteem at Disibodenberg.<br />

William had been raised since boyhood at the ancient abbey <strong>of</strong> St<br />

Emmeram, in Regensburg, in a form <strong>of</strong> monasticism that extended back<br />

<strong>to</strong> the time <strong>of</strong> Charlemagne.12 Elected abbot <strong>of</strong> Hirsau in 1069, William<br />

became increasingly involved in the cause <strong>of</strong> moving monasticism away<br />

from excessive secular control and in supporting the cause <strong>of</strong> Gregory VII<br />

(1073–1085) against Henry IV, whom Gregory excommunicated in 1075. As<br />

Jestice observes, William was much more outspoken than the abbots <strong>of</strong><br />

Cluny in his attitude <strong>to</strong>wards reform.13 In a letter sent <strong>to</strong> William around<br />

1080, introducing the cus<strong>to</strong>ms <strong>of</strong> Cluny, Ulrich <strong>of</strong> Zell praised him for having<br />

avoided the practice, widespread in Germany, <strong>of</strong> families sending children<br />

who were deformed, deaf, blind, or leprous in<strong>to</strong> monastic life, not for<br />

the sake <strong>of</strong> God but <strong>to</strong> free themselves <strong>of</strong> responsibility for them. Recognizing<br />

that William himself had been brought up as a child oblate, Ulrich<br />

optimistically considered that William had eliminated a practice that he<br />

considered <strong>to</strong> be destructive <strong>to</strong> monasticism: “I am certain that you have<br />

completely extirpated that root from its foundation, from which alone all<br />

monasteries have been destroyed <strong>of</strong> those that have collapsed either in<br />

German or Romance speaking regions.”14 Ulrich’s optimism was clearly<br />

exaggerated. Only two decades later, <strong>Hildegard</strong>’s parents would follow a<br />

conventional path in <strong>of</strong>ffering their 10th child <strong>to</strong> religious life when she<br />

was just seven years old. <strong>Hildegard</strong> herself would continue <strong>to</strong> warn against<br />

this practice <strong>of</strong> child oblation, if it meant children were not making a<br />

free choice: “Let people who want <strong>to</strong> subject their children <strong>to</strong> that Pas-<br />

11 Annales Sancti Disibodi, MGH SS 17:12, referring <strong>to</strong> Anselm, Ep. 358, Anselmi Opera<br />

Omnia, ed. Franciscus Salesius Schmitt, 6 vols., vol. 5 (Edinburgh, 1946–1966), p. 299; Silvas,<br />

Jutta and <strong>Hildegard</strong>, p. 12.<br />

12 See Haimo, Vita Willihelmi abbatis Hirsaugiensis, ed. Wilhelm Wattenbach, MGH SS<br />

12:209–25.<br />

13 See Jestice, Wayward Monks, pp. 210–17, 251–52.<br />

14 Ulrich <strong>of</strong> Zell, Epis<strong>to</strong>la nuncupa<strong>to</strong>ria, Antiquiores consuetudines Cluniacensis monasterii,<br />

PL 149:637B (Paris, 1853): “Ego autem certum sum illam te radicem funditus exstirpasse,<br />

ex qua sola praecipue omnia sunt monasteria destructa quae destructa sunt vel in<br />

Theu<strong>to</strong>nica, vel in Romana lingua.”

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