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Interrogations-and-Confessions-Handbook

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118 A Psychology of <strong>Interrogations</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Confessions</strong><br />

This is not an exhaustive list of models. For example, Ofshe <strong>and</strong> Leo (1997a,<br />

1997b) have developed their own classification of confessions, which they argue<br />

applies equally to true <strong>and</strong> false confessions. Their model is discussed in detail<br />

in Chapter 8 in relation to theories of false confessions, because it focuses<br />

primarily on false <strong>and</strong> coerced confessions. It builds on the work of Irving <strong>and</strong><br />

Hilgendorf (1980), <strong>and</strong> extends the decision-making model in the rational choice<br />

tradition to false confessions.<br />

The Reid Model of Confession<br />

Jayne (1986) provides an informative model for underst<strong>and</strong>ing the process that<br />

results in a confession during interrogation. The model is based upon the ‘nine<br />

steps’ of interrogation discussed in detail in Chapter 1. Jayne refers to the model<br />

as the ‘Reid Model’, because it was developed by John E. Reid <strong>and</strong> Associates<br />

of Chicago. The model attempts to explain why the ‘nine steps’ of interrogation<br />

are successful in eliciting confessions.<br />

The model construes interrogation as the psychological undoing of deception.<br />

Criminal deception is primarily motivated by avoidance behaviour; that is,<br />

avoiding the likely or possible consequences of being truthful. The two types of<br />

consequence of being caught in deception are labelled ‘real’ <strong>and</strong> ‘personal’. Real<br />

consequences generally involve loss of freedom or financial penalties. Personal<br />

consequences involve lowered self-esteem <strong>and</strong> damaged integrity. Having to<br />

admit to criminal behaviour is embarrassing to most people <strong>and</strong> this makes it<br />

difficult for them to confess.<br />

Successful deception is reinforced in accordance with operant conditioning<br />

principles. Thus, undetected lying is rewarding <strong>and</strong> increases the chances of further<br />

lying. However, successful socialization teaches people that it is wrong to lie<br />

<strong>and</strong> when lying occurs people may experience an internal conflict, which is comprised<br />

of feelings of frustration <strong>and</strong> anxiety. The increased level of anxiety associated<br />

with lying induces the person to confess. Least internal anxiety is generated<br />

by telling the truth. The level of anxiety is assumed to increase linearly<br />

from omission to evasion to blatant denial. As the level of anxiety increases, the<br />

person copes by the operation of defense mechanisms which function to reduce<br />

anxiety <strong>and</strong> restore self-esteem. The two main defense mechanisms relevant to<br />

interrogation are ‘rationalization’, which serves to help the offender by avoiding<br />

full responsibility for the offence (i.e. the offender somehow rationalizes the<br />

offence), <strong>and</strong> ‘projection’. Projection means that the offender attributes blame<br />

for the offence to some external source (e.g. the victim). Both rationalization<br />

<strong>and</strong> projection serve to distort the account of what really happened.<br />

According to the model, a suspect confesses (i.e. tells the truth) when the<br />

perceived consequences of a confession are more desirable than the anxiety<br />

generated by the deception (i.e. denial). The perceived consequences <strong>and</strong> perceived<br />

anxiety can be manipulated psychologically by the interrogator. Thus,<br />

(the) goal of the interrogation ...istodecrease the suspect’s perception of the consequences<br />

of confessing, while at the same time increasing the suspect’s internal<br />

anxiety associated with his deception (Jayne, 1986, p. 332).

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