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Interrogations-and-Confessions-Handbook

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346 A Psychology of <strong>Interrogations</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Confessions</strong><br />

The first component relates to the nature of the social interaction involved.<br />

Many of the social aspects of the police interview were discussed in Chapters<br />

1 <strong>and</strong> 2. It is evident from that discussion that the police interview is a closed<br />

social interaction. For example, in his observation of police interviews with the<br />

Brighton CID, Barrie Irving noted:<br />

The interview is a closed social interaction: the room is closed, the participants<br />

close to each other, interruptions are avoided as far as possible (Irving, 1980,<br />

p. 122).<br />

Similarly, Inbau et al. (2001) comment:<br />

The principal psychological factor contributing to a successful interrogation is<br />

privacy—being alone with the person during questioning (p. 51).<br />

The second distinguishing component of the police interview is that it involves<br />

a questioning procedure. There may be two or more participants <strong>and</strong> the questions<br />

asked typically relate to some factual material that the interviewer wishes<br />

to obtain about what the person has heard, seen or done. Feelings <strong>and</strong> intentions<br />

may also be enquired about. In most instances the questions asked are<br />

concerned with past events <strong>and</strong> experiences. This means that the memory recollections<br />

of the respondent are particularly important. Anything that interferes<br />

with the memory process makes it more difficult for the interviewer to obtain<br />

valid information from the respondent.<br />

The third component relates to the nature of the suggestive stimulus. Questions<br />

can be ‘leading’ because they contain certain premises <strong>and</strong> expectations,<br />

which may or may not be informed <strong>and</strong> well founded. It was also shown that<br />

questions can be leading because of the context in which they appear.<br />

The fourth component makes it explicit that there must be some kind of<br />

acceptance of the suggestive stimulus. This does not necessarily mean that the<br />

person incorporates the suggestive information into his or her memory. Rather,<br />

the suggestion must be perceived by the respondent as being plausible <strong>and</strong><br />

credible.<br />

The final component states that the respondent must give some kind of behavioural<br />

response to the suggestive stimulus. It is not sufficient for the interviewer<br />

that the respondent believes or accepts the suggestion privately. The<br />

respondent must indicate, either verbally or non-verbally, whether or not he or<br />

she accepts the suggestion. On occasions the respondent may accept the suggestion<br />

offered by the interviewer but is reluctant to commit himself or herself<br />

to a definite answer.<br />

The Gudjonsson–Clark (1986) definition of interrogative suggestibility provides<br />

the framework for a theoretical model that helps to further our underst<strong>and</strong>ing<br />

of the process <strong>and</strong> outcome of the police interview. It was mentioned<br />

earlier in this chapter that interrogative suggestibility bears little resemblance<br />

to other types of suggestibility. Elsewhere (Gudjonsson, 1989b), I take this argument<br />

further <strong>and</strong> show that from a conceptual point of view there are four main<br />

features of interrogative suggestibility that differentiate it from other types of

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