Interrogations-and-Confessions-Handbook

126 A Psychology of Interrogations and Confessions
Social Events
Table 5.1 gives two main types of social event that may trigger a confession. The
first event refers to being isolated from one’s family and friends. It was noted
in Chapter 1 how much emphasis police manuals place on isolating the suspect
from any external influence that may reduce a willingness to confess. The second
type of social influence relates to the nature of the interrogation itself. The
social process, as is so well illustrated by the Reid Model described earlier in
this chapter, is an important factor in obtaining a confession from suspects.
The immediate consequence of confessing is social reinforcement by the police
interrogators. The police may praise the suspect for owning up to what he
has done. Visitors such as relatives may be allowed, and in some cases the suspect
is allowed to go home. The long-term consequences commonly involve the
defendant having to come to terms with social disapproval from the media and
from the general public.
Emotional Events
Being arrested and brought to a police station is undoubtedly stressful for most
suspects. Generally suspects can be expected to experience considerable levels
of anxiety and distress. Some of the anxiety is caused by the uncertainty of
the situation, the fear of what is going to happen at the police station, the fear
of being locked in a police cell and the fear of the consequences regarding the
alleged offence. A suspect who has committed a serious offence, possibly on
impulse, may also be distressed by the nature of the conduct itself. Suspects
who are experiencing bereavement at the time of their arrest are likely to be
particularly vulnerable to emotional distress. For example, most suspects would
find difficulty in coping with being interrogated in connection with the death of
a close friend or family member.
There are two distinct emotional experiences that are particularly relevant
to confessions: these are the feelings of guilt and shame. Within the context
of confessions, shame is best viewed as a degrading and humiliating experience
and it often accompanies a sense of exposure. In contrast, guilt is linked
to the concept of conscience (i.e. it is associated with some real or imagined
past transgression that is inconsistent with the person’s internalized values
and standards). There are marked motivational and behavioural differences
between guilt and shame (Morrison & Gilbert, 2001; Tangney, 1990, 1996).
Whereas a feeling of guilt motivates people towards reparative action (i.e. confessing,
apologising, making amends), a feeling of shame has the reverse effect;
it makes the person want to hide from others and not reveal what happened.
Feelings of guilt are also important in the way offenders attribute blame for
their criminal act (Gudjonsson, 1999a).
After confessing suspects may experience a sense of emotional relief as the
immediate pressure is lifted and there is greater certainty about their immediate
future (Irving, 1980). Guilty suspects may in addition experience relief
from being able to talk about their offence. The police are often the first people
suspects talk to about their crime. Before long, a feeling of shame sometimes