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Interrogations-and-Confessions-Handbook

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358 A Psychology of <strong>Interrogations</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Confessions</strong><br />

important. In his view, personality characteristics, such as intelligence, are only<br />

important when extreme.<br />

Irving draws our attention to the potential importance of the seriousness of<br />

the crime:<br />

In practice as long as the crime involved is relatively serious then all suspects,<br />

regardless of their individual proclivities, will tend to produce a level of attention<br />

sufficient to the task (Treisman, 1969), except where mental h<strong>and</strong>icap or drug<br />

intoxication makes that impossible for them. Custodial interrogation does tend to<br />

focus the mind (p. 23).<br />

Irving’s bold assertion is based on an assumption rather than empirical facts.<br />

It is not clear why he refers to Treisman’s (1969) article in support of his argument,<br />

because the article only deals with attention in the context of subjects<br />

being presented with more information than they can h<strong>and</strong>le. The article does<br />

not deal with the critical components of attention which are relevant to police<br />

interrogation, such as vigilance, arousal <strong>and</strong> motivation.<br />

CONCLUSIONS<br />

The early experimental work of Cattell (1895) demonstrated the influence of<br />

suggestion upon human testimony. However, it appears to have been Binet<br />

(1900) who first introduced the idea of interrogative suggestibility <strong>and</strong> provided<br />

a conceptual framework for testing it. Before his work both French <strong>and</strong> German<br />

psychologists had known about the effects of suggestion upon sensation <strong>and</strong><br />

perception, particularly in connection with hypnosis.<br />

Many tests were developed to measure different types of suggestibility. Most<br />

of these appear to have had no clear theoretical base or rationale. Later workers<br />

factor analysed the results from these tests in an attempt to underst<strong>and</strong> the<br />

nature of suggestibility. They discovered that there were at least two types of<br />

suggestibility, referred to by Eysenck <strong>and</strong> Furneaux (1945) as ‘primary’ <strong>and</strong><br />

‘secondary’. ‘Primary’ suggestibility consisted of so-called ‘ideo-motor’ tests <strong>and</strong><br />

correlated highly with hypnotizability. ‘Secondary’ suggestibility appeared to<br />

measure a much more varied <strong>and</strong> complex phenomena <strong>and</strong> was shown to be<br />

less stable <strong>and</strong> reliable. All the factor analytical studies, with the exception<br />

of those conducted by Stukat (1958), failed to include tests of interrogative<br />

suggestibility. This resulted in interrogative suggestibility being a neglected<br />

area of research.<br />

Interrogative suggestibility is a special type of suggestibility <strong>and</strong> differs from<br />

other types of suggestibility in several important ways. Most significantly, it involves<br />

a questioning procedure that is typically concerned with past experiences<br />

<strong>and</strong> events, recollections <strong>and</strong> remembered states of knowledge. This makes it<br />

very different to suggestibility concerned with motor <strong>and</strong> sensory experiences<br />

of the immediate situation.<br />

There are two main theoretical approaches to interrogative suggestibility.<br />

These are called the ‘experimental’ <strong>and</strong> ‘individual differences’ approaches.

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