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Interrogations-and-Confessions-Handbook

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36 A Psychology of <strong>Interrogations</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Confessions</strong><br />

experienced major problems with intrusive thoughts <strong>and</strong> other symptoms<br />

of PTSD concerning the police interrogation, which lasted for several years<br />

before they sought treatment.<br />

5. Undermining public confidence. Leo (1992) suggests that coercive <strong>and</strong> manipulative<br />

police interrogation techniques may undermine the public confidence<br />

in the police <strong>and</strong> encourage police corruption. Indeed, there is evidence<br />

that in Engl<strong>and</strong> a series of miscarriage of justice cases involving<br />

coerced confessions have undermined the public faith in the police <strong>and</strong> the<br />

judiciary as a whole (Royal Commission on Criminal Justice Report, 1993;<br />

Williamson, 1994). Such a situation may make jurors highly sceptical of police<br />

<strong>and</strong> confession evidence <strong>and</strong> increase the acquittal rate (Robbins, 2001,<br />

2002).<br />

6. The ‘boomerang effect’. Coercing suspects to confess may sometimes result<br />

in the opposite effects intended by the police. Thus, suspects who would<br />

have confessed in their own time refuse to confess when they feel they are<br />

being rushed or unfairly treated by the police. In other instances, suspects<br />

who have already confessed may retract their confession when they feel<br />

they are pressured too much to provide further information.<br />

These phenomena can be explained in terms of ‘reactance theory’ (Brehm,<br />

1966; Brehm & Brehm, 1981). That is, when people perceive that their freedom<br />

to choose or act is threatened they may respond by becoming increasingly assertive.<br />

In exceptional cases this may result in the so-called ‘boomerang’ effect.<br />

This means that people may not only become less suggestible <strong>and</strong> compliant<br />

when pressurized, but they take the opposite view to that communicated by the<br />

interrogator (i.e. they react in an extremely resistant way). Gudjonsson (1995b)<br />

discusses how this can happen in real life police interrogations when suspects<br />

feel they have been pressured too much. The consequences may be devastating<br />

for the police when the case goes to court <strong>and</strong> judges rule the confession<br />

statement as being inadmissible.<br />

CONCLUSIONS<br />

The techniques recommended in police interrogation manuals, such as that of<br />

Inbau et al. (2001), are based on ‘psychological principles’ that undoubtedly<br />

can be immensely effective in influencing the beliefs <strong>and</strong> decision-making of<br />

suspects during interrogation. What we do not know is the rate of ‘true’ <strong>and</strong><br />

‘false’ confessions elicited, respectively, <strong>and</strong> how these rates compare with less<br />

coercive techniques. The basic ingredient of the techniques involves the interrogator<br />

being able to ‘read’ the signs of suspects’ lying <strong>and</strong> ‘guilt’, which forms<br />

the justification for manipulating them into confessing by playing on their vulnerabilities<br />

<strong>and</strong> using trickery <strong>and</strong> deceit. The main persuasive ingredients<br />

involve exaggeration or misrepresentation of the evidence against the suspect<br />

(‘maximization’) <strong>and</strong> theme development (‘minimization’). The interrogator<br />

suggests various ‘themes’ to the suspect which are aimed at minimizing either<br />

the seriousness of the crime (e.g. pretending it was an accident, committed

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