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Interrogations-and-Confessions-Handbook

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198 A Psychology of <strong>Interrogations</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Confessions</strong><br />

important mediating variables, which will be illustrated by case reports in<br />

Chapter 9, are related to the depressed person’s personality.<br />

False voluntary confessions that arise because the person is unable to distinguish<br />

between fantasy <strong>and</strong> reality are most likely to arise in cases of mental<br />

illness, such as schizophrenia. Here the person’s perceptions of reality are distorted<br />

<strong>and</strong> their thought processes are adversely affected. These people’s false<br />

confessions result from a false belief without there necessarily being a strong<br />

feeling of guilt attached to the perceived criminal act. This type of false confession<br />

can occur without the presence of a major mental illness, as it did in the<br />

case of Andrew Evans (see Chapter 18).<br />

Kassin <strong>and</strong> Wrightsman (1985) highlight two potentially important implications<br />

concerning differences between coerced–compliant <strong>and</strong> coerced–<br />

internalized false confessions. The first refers to the timing of the suspect’s<br />

subsequent retraction of the confession. The other relates to the types of interrogation<br />

technique that are most likely to elicit compliant <strong>and</strong> internalized<br />

false confessions.<br />

Coerced–compliant false confessors are likely to retract or withdraw their<br />

false confession as soon as the immediate pressures are over (e.g. when seen by<br />

a solicitor or a relative after being charged). Coerced–internalized false confessors,<br />

on the other h<strong>and</strong>, will typically only retract after they themselves have<br />

become convinced, or suspect, that they are innocent of the crime they are accused<br />

of. How long this takes depends on the individual case. In a case reported<br />

by Ofshe (1992), it took months before the defendant realized that he had not<br />

committed the crime of which he was accused. The critical issue is to what extent,<br />

if at all, the suspect’s original memory for events becomes permanently<br />

distorted as the result of coercive <strong>and</strong> manipulative police interviewing.<br />

Kassin <strong>and</strong> Wrightsman (1985) state that what is most concerning about<br />

coerced–internalized false confessions<br />

...isthat the suspect’s memory of his or her own actions may be altered, making<br />

its original contents potentially irretrievable (p. 78).<br />

If the internalized false confessor’s memory is potentially permanently altered<br />

during police interrogation, as Kassin <strong>and</strong> Wrightsman argue, then the implications<br />

are very serious. That is, innocent people potentially remain permanently<br />

convinced that they have committed a crime of which in fact they are innocent.<br />

Gudjonsson <strong>and</strong> Lebegue (1989) provide some evidence that the original memory<br />

may not necessarily be as permanently distorted as Kassin <strong>and</strong> Wrightsman<br />

suggest. This is supported by the evidence of a number of cases discussed later<br />

in this book.<br />

Ofshe (1989) also reports cases in which suspects were induced to make<br />

coerced–internalized false confessions that were repudiated as soon as the<br />

social environment that supported them was disturbed. The limited empirical<br />

evidence that is available suggests that coerced–internalized false confessions<br />

are believed when they are made but, like other externally generated perceptions,<br />

are highly unstable (Ofshe & Leo, 1997a, 1997b).<br />

Kassin <strong>and</strong> Wrightsman discuss two separate processes whereby coerced–<br />

internalized false confessions can occur. One type of process involves

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