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Interrogations-and-Confessions-Handbook

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370 A Psychology of <strong>Interrogations</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Confessions</strong><br />

than the effects of a hypnotic induction or state on interrogative suggestibility.<br />

Without a clear relationship being found between interrogative suggestibility<br />

<strong>and</strong> a formal hypnotic induction the findings of a relationship between the two<br />

scales is of no forensic importance.<br />

COMPLIANCE<br />

In Chapter 13 I offered a theoretical distinction between suggestibility <strong>and</strong><br />

compliance. The main difference, it was argued, was that suggestibility, unlike<br />

compliance, implies personal acceptance of the information provided or<br />

request made. In this chapter the concept of compliance, as it is relevant to<br />

interrogation, is explored in greater detail, particularly in relation to testing<br />

<strong>and</strong> empirical findings.<br />

In its broadest sense, compliance refers to the tendency of the individual<br />

to go along with propositions, requests or instructions, for some immediate<br />

instrumental gain. The person concerned is fully aware that his or her responses<br />

are being influenced <strong>and</strong> an affirmative or a compliant response does not require<br />

personal acceptance of the proposition. In other words, people may disagree<br />

with the proposition or request made, but they nevertheless react in a compliant<br />

way. This is different to suggestibility, where there is personal acceptance of<br />

the proposition offered by the interrogator. This kind of distinction between<br />

suggestibility <strong>and</strong> compliance is also evident in the literature on suggestibility<br />

in relation to hypnosis (Wagstaff, 1981).<br />

I have argued elsewhere (Gudjonsson, 1989c, 1997a) that compliance has two<br />

major components to it. First, there is an eagerness to please <strong>and</strong> the need of the<br />

person to protect his or her self-esteem when in the company of others. Second,<br />

there is avoidance of conflict <strong>and</strong> confrontation with people, <strong>and</strong> particularly<br />

those perceived as being in a position of some authority. These two components<br />

of compliant behaviour overlap extensively with Milgram’s (1974) construct of<br />

‘obedience to authority’. Indeed, my compliance scale (GCS; Gudjonsson, 1989c,<br />

1997a) is more closely associated with Milgram’s work than that of Asch (1951,<br />

1952), <strong>and</strong> it was Milgram’s work that provided the conceptual basis for it.<br />

Milgram (1974) defined obedience as the action of a person ‘who complies with<br />

authority’ (p. 113). Within this framework highly compliant people appear fully<br />

aware of their difficulties in coping with pressure when in the company of people<br />

in authority, unlike the participants in Asch’s experiments. As was mentioned<br />

in Chapter 13, the subjects in Asch’s experiments were not aware that they<br />

were being influenced by the subtle suggestions introduced, <strong>and</strong> it therefore is<br />

more similar to the concept of suggestibility.<br />

Compliance can be conceptualized in two different ways. It can be viewed<br />

either as a personality trait or as a behavioural response to a given situation<br />

(Gudjonsson, Sigurdsson, Brynjolfsdottir & Hreinsdottir, 2002). Irrespective of<br />

which conceptualization is preferred, there are two main ways of measuring<br />

compliance, which are based on behavioural observation <strong>and</strong> self-report procedures<br />

respectively.<br />

Milgram’s (1974) obedience experiments <strong>and</strong> the work of Asch (1952) into<br />

conformity were based on behavioural observation. Here experiments are

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