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Interrogations-and-Confessions-Handbook

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Why do Suspects Confess? Empirical Findings 147<br />

for suspected sexual offenders was 89.3%, in contrast to 52.5% for non-sexual<br />

offenders. Suspects also appeared to confess more readily to property offences<br />

(76%) than to violent offences (64%), which is consistent with the findings of<br />

Neubauer (1974).<br />

Neubauer (1974) argues that the main reason for the greater number of confessions<br />

among alleged property offenders than other offenders relates to the<br />

nature of the evidence that the police have at the time of the interrogation.<br />

He states that with regard to property offences there is more often forensic<br />

evidence (e.g. fingerprints) to link the suspect with the alleged offence than in<br />

non-property offences. This means that during interrogation the police have<br />

more persuasive evidence to convince the suspect that denials are futile. The<br />

position may be somewhat different with regard to sexual offenders in that<br />

there could be special psychological reasons that facilitate their confessionmaking<br />

behaviour. This point will be taken up again later in this chapter when<br />

discussing the results from a recent Icel<strong>and</strong>ic study into factors that may facilitate<br />

or inhibit confessing among criminals.<br />

Sigurdsson <strong>and</strong> Gudjonsson (1994) found among Icel<strong>and</strong>ic prison inmates<br />

the highest confession rate was obtained for traffic violators (95%) <strong>and</strong> drug offenders<br />

(94%), whereas the lowest rate was found for sex offenders (83%). The<br />

authors argued that these findings could be explained by the fact that in<br />

the first two categories the offenders are typically caught in the commission of<br />

the offence, whereas sexual offenders are very rarely apprehended at the time of<br />

committing the offence. In another Icel<strong>and</strong>ic study, Gudjonsson <strong>and</strong> Sigurdsson<br />

(2000) compared the confession rate of violent offenders, rapists <strong>and</strong> child molesters.<br />

The highest rate was found for child molesters (83%) <strong>and</strong> lowest for<br />

rapists (61%). The confession rate of violent offenders fell in between the other<br />

two groups (77%). These findings confirm the findings of Nugent <strong>and</strong> Kroner<br />

(1996) that rapists confess less readily to their crime than child molesters.<br />

The study by Moston, Stephenson <strong>and</strong> Williamson (1992) found no significant<br />

differences in confession rates between offence types (offences against the<br />

person versus property offences). These authors argue that the previous significant<br />

findings may be an artifact of the studies’ faulty methodology, because<br />

they did not take into account possible inter-associations between case characteristics.<br />

This is undoubtedly a valid point <strong>and</strong> should be carefully considered<br />

in future research into confessions.<br />

Seriousness of the Offence<br />

A number of studies have shown that suspects confess less readily to serious<br />

than non-serious offences (Evans, 1993; Irving & McKenzie, 1989; Moston,<br />

Stephenson & Williamson, 1992; Phillips & Brown, 1998). For example, in the<br />

Phillips–Brown (1998) study suspects in the less serious cases confessed more<br />

often (72%) than those suspected of ‘moderately’ (49%) <strong>and</strong> ‘very serious’ (46%)<br />

offences. However, Phillips <strong>and</strong> Brown point out that this difference was accounted<br />

for by interactions with other variables, such as greater access to legal<br />

advice in serious cases <strong>and</strong> the improved strength of evidence against the suspect.<br />

The relative lack of incentive among suspects to confess to serious crimes

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