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Interrogations-and-Confessions-Handbook

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The Psychology of False Confession: Research <strong>and</strong> Theoretical Issues 201<br />

� It is important to distinguish between a false belief <strong>and</strong> a false memory in relation<br />

to internalized false confession (Gudjonsson, 1997b, 1997c). Internalized<br />

false confessors can be persuaded, or may have convinced themselves,<br />

that they have committed a crime without their developing a recollection<br />

of the offence. This is in my experience what typically happens <strong>and</strong> is supported<br />

by the work of Ofshe <strong>and</strong> Leo (1997a, 1997b).<br />

Coerced–internalized false confessions are typically characterized by tentative<br />

expressions, such as ‘I must have’, ‘I think I did’, ‘I probably committed this<br />

crime’ (Ofshe & Leo, 1997a, 1997b).<br />

Critique of the Kassin–Wrightsman Model<br />

There is no doubt that the psychological model of Kassin <strong>and</strong> Wrightsman<br />

(1985) is very important in furthering our underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the nature of<br />

false confessions. I have also found the model helpful in forensic practice <strong>and</strong><br />

research, in that it enables one to classify false confessions into meaningful<br />

psychological categories. The theoretical distinction between compliant <strong>and</strong> internalized<br />

false confessions is the single most important contribution of the<br />

model. The main problem that I have had with the model is that not all compliant<br />

<strong>and</strong> internalized false confessions are coerced. They may result from stress<br />

or pressure that does not involve coercion by the police. The term coercion is<br />

clearly over-inclusive in the model. The other problem is that those who make<br />

false confessions to protect someone else do not fit well into the model psychologically<br />

<strong>and</strong> should probably be classified into a separate group. The only way<br />

to overcome the former problem is to increase the number of categories of false<br />

confessions, as Ofshe <strong>and</strong> Leo (1997a) do, to change the term ‘coercion’ to a<br />

more appropriate term that encompasses most relevant types of false confession<br />

(e.g. ‘pressured–internalized’ <strong>and</strong> ‘pressured–compliant’ false confessions),<br />

or to leave out the word ‘coerced’ when there is no evidence of coercion. In forensic<br />

practice I use the Kassin–Wrightsman (1985) threefold typology, but leave<br />

out the word ‘coerced’ when there is no evidence of coercion.<br />

McCann (1998) has developed a decision-making conceptual framework for<br />

identifying different types of confession, where confessions are defined according<br />

to different dimensions (e.g. retracted versus non-retracted, true versus<br />

false, voluntary versus coerced, legal culpability). McCann does not specifically<br />

criticize the Kassin–Wrightsman typology, but adds a third type of coerced confession,<br />

which he calls ‘coerced–reactive false confessions’. This is defined as<br />

. . . .when an individual (who may or may not be a criminal suspect) confesses in<br />

order to avoid or escape some coercive action that arises out of a relationship with<br />

one or more individuals other than police (p. 449).<br />

McCann gives as examples peer group pressure (e.g. threats of physical violence)<br />

<strong>and</strong> an actual case of a battered wife who was allegedly coerced into<br />

making a false confessions to the murder of her child as way of escaping violence<br />

from her husb<strong>and</strong>.

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