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Interrogations-and-Confessions-Handbook

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Suggestibility: Empirical Findings 375<br />

the most serious offence reported was rated on the scale. Factor analysis of the<br />

Motivation Scale revealed five factors. The largest factor, comprised of seven<br />

items <strong>and</strong> accounting for 16.4% of the total variance, was labelled ‘compliance’.<br />

The items with salient loadings on this factor were the following.<br />

� To please my friend(s) (0.85).<br />

� Giving in to pressure from peer(s) (0.85).<br />

� Wanted to ‘show off’ to friend (s) (0.66).<br />

� Asked by somebody to commit the offence (0.65).<br />

� Was tricked into committing the crime (0.62).<br />

� To show how brave <strong>and</strong> daring I was (0.61).<br />

� Committed offence because my friends were doing it (0.59).<br />

The GCS score correlated significantly with the compliance offence factor<br />

score among the secondary school (r = 0.25, p < 0.001) <strong>and</strong> university students<br />

(r = 0.19, p < 0.05), <strong>and</strong> hardly at all with any of the remaining four factors.<br />

Although the correlations are small, the findings support the view that compliance,<br />

as measured by the GCS, is significantly correlated with the reasons<br />

people give for having committed an offence. Compliance, as a personality trait,<br />

appears relevant in explaining why some people commit offences.<br />

Situational Determinants of Compliance<br />

The GCS, to a certain extent, overcomes problems with compliance being potentially<br />

situation bound, because the subject is rating how he or she generally<br />

reacts to interpersonal pressure rather than referring to any one particular situation.<br />

This does not, however, exclude the possibility that subjects may fill in<br />

the GCS differently according to their situational circumstances. For example,<br />

since many of the GCS items give a fair indication of what the scale is measuring,<br />

some criminal suspects, when this seems favourable to their case, may<br />

endorse items in such a way as to exaggerate their compliance scores. Similarly,<br />

it is possible that suspects who previously gave in to police pressure <strong>and</strong><br />

confessed, when they did not really want to, have biased perceptions of their<br />

own compliance, which becomes reflected in their self-report scores. In other<br />

words, because the suspect gave in to the police pressure he thinks he must be<br />

compliant <strong>and</strong> fills in the scale accordingly.<br />

A number of situational factors have been shown to influence compliance<br />

in a particular experimental setting. The types of factor that can increase<br />

compliance are happy mood state (Milberg & Clark, 1988), touch <strong>and</strong> gaze<br />

(Hornik, 1988; Kleinke, 1977, 1980), dem<strong>and</strong> for eye contact (Hamlet, Axelrod &<br />

Kuerschner, 1984), the prestige of the communicator (Kelman & Holl<strong>and</strong>, 1953),<br />

the perceived power of the experimenter (B<strong>and</strong>ura, Ross & Ross 1963), agreement<br />

with a smaller request previously (Freedman & Fraser, 1966), the gender<br />

of the experimenter (Heslin, Nguyen & Nguyen, 1983, Stier & Hall, 1984), the<br />

manipulation of self-esteem (Graf, 1971) <strong>and</strong> feelings of guilt (Carlsmith &<br />

Gross, 1969; Freedman, Wallington & Bless, 1967; Konoske, Staple & Graf,<br />

1979).

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