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Interrogations-and-Confessions-Handbook

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512 A Psychology of <strong>Interrogations</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Confessions</strong><br />

officers that he ‘might’ have been on the common on the day of the murder (i.e.<br />

an internalized belief ). His implicating himself during the anonymous telephone<br />

calls was clearly voluntary <strong>and</strong> undoubtedly functioned at the time to<br />

enhance his sense of excitement <strong>and</strong> self-importance. Fell’s poor self-esteem,<br />

which was clearly evident on psychometric testing <strong>and</strong> was corroborated by<br />

background information, <strong>and</strong> his personality disorder, are undoubtedly important<br />

in explaining his attention seeking behaviour.<br />

CONCLUSIONS<br />

In relation to disputed confession cases, the attitude of High Court judges to expert<br />

psychological evidence <strong>and</strong> their level of sophistication in evaluating it has<br />

greatly improved since 1988, when Lord Lane refused to hear my evidence in<br />

the case of Engin Raghip. The successful subsequent appeal of Raghip in 1991,<br />

<strong>and</strong> their Lordships’ ruling regarding the admissibility of expert psychological<br />

evidence, was a l<strong>and</strong>mark decision. The ruling has had an enormous impact<br />

on the admissibility of psychological evidence in the lower courts as well as<br />

on more recent Court of Appeal decisions. The next significant development<br />

was the decision in Ward in 1992, which had implications for the admissibility<br />

of both psychiatric <strong>and</strong> psychological evidence. Here a diagnosis of personality<br />

disorder was influential in overturning a conviction in relation to terrorist<br />

offences <strong>and</strong> 12 counts of murder.<br />

In the appeal of David MacKenzie, their Lordships set three criteria for<br />

determining the admissibility of confession evidence:<br />

1. the prosecution case depends wholly upon confessions;<br />

2. the defendant suffers from a significant degree of mental h<strong>and</strong>icap;<br />

3. the confessions were unconvincing to a point where a jury properly directed<br />

could not properly convict upon them, then the judge, assuming he had not<br />

excluded the confessions, should withdraw the case from the jury.<br />

The judgment did not make it clear whether the term ‘mental h<strong>and</strong>icap’<br />

referred to his borderline IQ, a previous diagnosis relating to admission to<br />

hospital or encapsulates all of MacKenzie’s mental (psychological) problems.<br />

This is where the interpretation of the law <strong>and</strong> legal judgments becomes so<br />

important. It is not just a matter of what the law says, or what is said in<br />

the judgment of cases, it is really a question of how these are interpreted.<br />

In the case of Long, this interpretation became important. Their Lordships<br />

applied the criteria set out in MacKenzie. Long’s case met the first two criteria,<br />

but not the third. His meeting the criteria for ‘mental h<strong>and</strong>icap’ is particularly<br />

interesting, because in psychiatry <strong>and</strong> psychology this term is normally<br />

used to refer to learning disability, but in the case of Mr Long it was<br />

applied to a condition relating to depression. Mr Long was of average intellectual<br />

abilities, but at the time of the police interrogation he had suffered from<br />

depression.<br />

In the case of Kane, in the Royal Court of Justice in Belfast, their Lordships<br />

ruled that expert testimony regarding a high level of anxiety proneness, which

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