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Interrogations-and-Confessions-Handbook

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Interrogation in Britain 43<br />

SOFTLEY’S STUDY<br />

In 1979, a team from the Home Office Research Unit, at the request of the Royal<br />

Commission on Criminal Procedure, conducted an observational study into police<br />

questioning of suspects at four police stations in Engl<strong>and</strong> (Softley, 1980).<br />

The purpose of the study was to provide an objective account, with reference to<br />

the general ‘run-of-the-mill’ cases, of what happens to suspects from the time of<br />

their arrival at the police station <strong>and</strong> until they are put in a police cell after being<br />

charged. This included a direct observation of the interrogation of suspects.<br />

The study was modelled on a similar American study (Wald et al., 1967). The<br />

four police areas selected were from West Yorkshire, Nottinghamshire, Avon<br />

<strong>and</strong> Somerset, <strong>and</strong> the Metropolitan (London) Police.<br />

Softley <strong>and</strong> his colleagues observed the interviews of 218 criminal suspects,<br />

of which 187 were interviewed at a police station. Since it was impracticable<br />

to observe all the cases at the police stations the researchers selected the more<br />

serious offences, such as burglary, wounding or assault occasioning actual bodily<br />

harm. Forty-eight per cent of the suspects interviewed at a police station made<br />

a confession, <strong>and</strong> a further 13% made a damaging admission that fell short of<br />

a full blown confession. Two suspects subsequently retracted their confession,<br />

but they were nevertheless convicted. Only 12% of the 187 suspects exercised<br />

their right to silence.<br />

The observers noted persuasive interviewing tactics in about 60% of the<br />

initial interviews. The most common tactic, reported in 22% of the interviews,<br />

involved the police officer pointing to a contradiction or an inconsistency in<br />

the suspect’s statement. In 13% of cases, the police told suspects firmly about<br />

the overwhelming evidence against them. In a further 15% of cases the police<br />

appeared to ‘bluff or hint that other evidence would be forthcoming’ (p. 79). In<br />

about 6% of the initial interviews the police minimized the seriousness of the<br />

offence or the suspect’s part in it. This tactic was commonly used in cases where<br />

suspects were unduly ashamed of what they had done or that they appeared<br />

to have exaggerated views about the severity of the likely sentence they would<br />

receive. In about 7% of the initial interviews the police hinted that unless the<br />

subjects cooperated they would be detained for a longer period at the police<br />

station.<br />

The researchers concluded that the interrogators were generally fair to the<br />

suspect <strong>and</strong> rarely applied coercive tactics to obtain a confession. Unlike Irving<br />

<strong>and</strong> McKenzie, the researchers in this study did not make a direct observation<br />

of the mental state of the suspect. This is an important limitation.<br />

WALSH’S STUDY<br />

Walsh (1982) examined the arrest <strong>and</strong> interrogation practices under the emergency<br />

legislation in Northern Irel<strong>and</strong>. The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC)<br />

had refused Walsh access to the records of interrogation so instead he interviewed<br />

60 people who had been subjected to custodial interrogation by the<br />

RUC between September 1980 <strong>and</strong> June 1981, in connection with suspected

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