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Interrogations-and-Confessions-Handbook

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Why do Suspects Confess? Theories 123<br />

work attempts to show that the unconscious compulsion to confess plays an<br />

important part in religion, myths, art, language <strong>and</strong> other social activities,<br />

including crime.<br />

Reik relies heavily on Freud’s concepts of the id, ego <strong>and</strong> superego. Within<br />

this framework a confession is construed as ‘an attempt at reconciliation that<br />

the superego undertakes in order to settle the quarrel between the ego <strong>and</strong><br />

the id’ (p. 216). Here the superego is seen to play a very important part in the<br />

need of the individual to confess. If the superego remains silent there develops<br />

a strong feeling of guilt <strong>and</strong> need for self-punishment. This may result in a<br />

‘compulsion’ to confess, <strong>and</strong> on occasion false confession.<br />

Freud’s (1916) theory also suggests that some people may commit crime as a<br />

way of relieving ‘an unconscious sense of guilt for which there seems no cause’<br />

(Van Velsen, 1999, p. 65). This includes making a false confession to the police,<br />

which is a crime in itself. There is also the likelihood that strong feelings of<br />

guilt may on occasions cause criminals to exaggerate the nature <strong>and</strong> extent of<br />

their crime.<br />

The development of the feeling of guilt after transgression <strong>and</strong> the unconscious<br />

need for self-punishment are seen as universal characteristics of the<br />

individual <strong>and</strong> have an important impact upon his or her emotions <strong>and</strong> behaviour.<br />

It is only after the person has confessed that the ego begins to accept<br />

the emotional significance of the deed. For the criminal this is different to the<br />

intellectual acceptance of the deed, which always precedes its emotional acceptance.<br />

According to Reik’s psychoanalytic model, emotional acceptance of the<br />

criminal act may take years to process. It is only after having confessed that<br />

the offender has made the first step back into society. A confession serves the<br />

function of relieving the person from the feeling of guilt.<br />

Rogge (1975), like Reik, argues that confessions are based on feelings of<br />

guilt. He goes a step further <strong>and</strong> suggests that guilt feelings are made up of<br />

two components, which are fear of losing love <strong>and</strong> fear of retaliation:<br />

Those who are guilty of some criminal offense are under such anxiety lest they<br />

have lost love <strong>and</strong> lest there will be retaliation that they usually confess (p. 227).<br />

Berggren (1975) presents a psychological model that highlights the need of<br />

the individual to confess to his or her transgression of social norms. People’s<br />

knowledge of their transgression produces a sense of guilt, which is experienced<br />

as oppressive <strong>and</strong> depressing. The confession produces a sense of relief, which<br />

has important cathartic effects. For a satisfactory cathartic effect to occur the<br />

confession has to be to a person in authority, such as a priest or policeman.<br />

Until recently, no empirical studies had looked at the role of feelings of guilt<br />

in facilitating a confession among criminals. A study carried out by myself<br />

into the electrodermal reactivity of Icel<strong>and</strong>ic criminals, policemen <strong>and</strong> clergymen<br />

during a ‘lie detection’ experiment (Gudjonsson, 1979) indicates that there<br />

may be important group differences in relation to guilt following transgression.<br />

Criminals were found to be least physiologically responsive to deception<br />

<strong>and</strong> clergymen the most. This suggests that criminals, perhaps by virtue of<br />

early conditioning, or by habituation, no longer suffer the pangs of conscience

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