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Interrogations-and-Confessions-Handbook

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Suggestibility: Historical <strong>and</strong> Theoretical Aspects 343<br />

It is important to realize that the studies of Asch <strong>and</strong> Crutchfield are concerned<br />

with influence in the context of group pressure, whereas obedience research<br />

focuses on how subjects react to pressure from a person in authority.<br />

However, the behaviour of the subject in each setting may be mediated by similar<br />

factors, such as a desire to be liked, eagerness to please, the need to maintain<br />

self-esteem, the need to fulfil role obligations <strong>and</strong> expectations <strong>and</strong> avoidance<br />

of conflict <strong>and</strong> confrontation.<br />

The powerful influence of perceived authority on behaviour has not just been<br />

demonstrated by laboratory studies, such as those of Milgram. For example,<br />

Bickman (1974) studied the effects of uniform on people’s compliance in a natural<br />

social setting. He found that when the experimenter was dressed in a guard’s<br />

uniform 83% of pedestrians obeyed his instruction to give a confederate a ‘dime’<br />

for a parking meter in contrast to 46% when he was dressed in civilian clothing.<br />

Within the field of social psychology the term ‘conformity’ is used to refer<br />

to a change in behaviour or belief as a result of pressure, real or imagined,<br />

from a group or a person (Kiesler & Kiesler, 1970). According to Kiesler <strong>and</strong><br />

Kiesler, there are basically two types of conformity, which correspond to the<br />

terms ‘compliance’ <strong>and</strong> ‘private acceptance’. With regard to compliance, people<br />

behave as others wish them to behave but without their believing in what<br />

they are doing. Kiesler <strong>and</strong> Kiesler argue that obedience studies, like those<br />

of Milgram, give a good illustration of compliance without private acceptance.<br />

Private acceptance, on the other h<strong>and</strong>, is more commonly seen in studies into<br />

suggestibility.<br />

REINFORCEMENT AND SUGGESTIBILITY<br />

The effects of prior reinforcement upon suggestibility (see e.g. Kelman, 1950)<br />

has important implications for interrogative suggestibility. The general finding<br />

is that individuals who experience success in a task when they are first<br />

examined tend to be more resistant to subsequent suggestions than those who<br />

experience failure. Such findings can be interpreted both along motivational<br />

(e.g. strength of the anxiety drive) <strong>and</strong> cognitive (thought processes) lines. The<br />

work of Kelman is particularly supportive of motivational factors in that certain<br />

personality factors (e.g. traits of submissiveness, inferiority feelings, anxiety)<br />

seem to interact with differential reinforcement. Related to this is the work of<br />

Seligman <strong>and</strong> his colleagues on ‘learned helplessness’ (Abramson, Seligman &<br />

Teasdale, 1978).<br />

SUGGESTIBILITY: A STATE OR A TRAIT?<br />

There is a considerable disagreement in the literature about whether suggestibility<br />

should be viewed as a ‘trait’ or a ‘state’. Implicit in the concept of<br />

suggestibility is the idea that it refers to some stable tendency of the individual<br />

to respond in a particular way to a given situation. Prideaux (1919) viewed suggestibility<br />

as a general trait of the individual. The work of Eysenck (1947) on

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