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Interrogations-and-Confessions-Handbook

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Suggestibility: Historical <strong>and</strong> Theoretical Aspects 333<br />

(experimental) psychological procedures to assess Mary’s general level of<br />

‘suggestibility’. These were as follows.<br />

1. Did Mary have a tendency to claim perceptions that had no objective basis?<br />

2. Did Mary have a tendency to answer questions with information that the<br />

interviewer suggested?<br />

The first procedure related to possible distortions in Mary’s sensory processing,<br />

whereas the latter was concerned with her memory processing.<br />

Mary’s suggestibility was tested in the afternoon, whereas the intellectual<br />

assessment had been completed in the morning. She was told that the purpose<br />

of the afternoon session was to establish how much she remembered about the<br />

morning session. During free recall Mary was able to give a reasonably accurate<br />

account of the morning session <strong>and</strong> even remembered several of the questions<br />

asked <strong>and</strong> tests administered. Subsequently an attempt was made to induce in<br />

Mary false perceptions, both olfactory (the smell of a cigar) <strong>and</strong> tactile (feeling<br />

a pencil she was holding becoming increasingly hot <strong>and</strong> reaching the point of<br />

burning her fingers). Mary uncritically accepted both suggestions <strong>and</strong> during<br />

the tactile experiment she suddenly dropped the pencil on the floor claiming<br />

that it had burned her finger.<br />

With regard to interrogative suggestibility, a special test was constructed<br />

which consisted of leading questions. After each leading question I challenged<br />

her answer <strong>and</strong> asked her to provide a more accurate one. Mary proved highly<br />

suggestible in response to many, but not all, of the questions. She was particularly<br />

suggestible when confronted with sophisticated or abstract ideas <strong>and</strong> then<br />

readily gave observations which had no basis in her own observations. When<br />

uncertain about events, she tended to confabulate. However, she was able to<br />

resist attempts to alter her account of those events she had experienced <strong>and</strong><br />

clearly remembered.<br />

The main conclusions from the psychological assessment, which were presented<br />

to the jury in the case, were that Mary had limited mental capacity,<br />

but she was capable of distinguishing between facts <strong>and</strong> fantasy when<br />

facts were clear to her. Her ability to distinguish between the two diminished<br />

markedly when she was unsure of facts. Then she became highly suggestible.<br />

However, those of her statements that had no objective basis could be easily<br />

altered under pressure, whereas those answers that were correct could not be<br />

altered.<br />

The psychological findings were presented to the jury in such a way as to<br />

provide them with some guidelines by which they could discriminate between<br />

the reliable <strong>and</strong> unreliable evidence as pertaining to the case being tried. Thus,<br />

although Mary was in general very suggestible, she was able to give reliable<br />

evidence about facts that she had witnessed <strong>and</strong> was certain about. It was<br />

suggested that the jury could differentiate between Mary’s reliable <strong>and</strong> unreliable<br />

evidence on the basis of her answers to careful cross-examination; reliable<br />

evidence pertaining to simple <strong>and</strong> basic facts should not alter under<br />

cross-examination whereas unreliable evidence was likely to. Mary’s evidence<br />

was subjected to this test. Although unable to identify any of the six defendants<br />

as being responsible for specific acts, she gave a general account of events

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