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Interrogations-and-Confessions-Handbook

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608 A Psychology of <strong>Interrogations</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Confessions</strong><br />

the result of what happened up there that night—the implication here is<br />

that if Mr A confessed <strong>and</strong> gave an account the sentence would be less,<br />

which amounts to an inducement consistent with pragmatic implications<br />

in the Kassin–Neumann (1997) model.<br />

Mr A’s legal advocate failed to provide him with the support that he needed<br />

during the interrogation sessions. In fact, there are a number of entries in the<br />

officers’ notebooks that indicate that the solicitor colluded with the police in<br />

extracting a confession from his client. This appears to have been due to the<br />

solicitor being persuaded by the police that his client was guilty of the murder<br />

<strong>and</strong> their failure to provide him with essential documents in the case.<br />

REPRESSION AND PSYCHOGENIC AMNESIA<br />

It appears from officer E’s notebook that he thought Mr A had repressed the<br />

memory for the murder <strong>and</strong> needed assistance to bring it into consciousness.<br />

During the police interviews in 1995 <strong>and</strong> in January 1997, Mr A appeared<br />

firm in his belief about his movements on 6 May 1995. He claimed to have<br />

arrived home shortly after midnight, <strong>and</strong> this was confirmed by his parents.<br />

There was no evidence to indicate that immediately after the murder Mr A had<br />

a memory loss for the material time (i.e. around the time the murder was committed).<br />

During the inordinately long police interviews in February 1997 Mr A<br />

appeared to have gradually developed memory problems <strong>and</strong> uncertainties concerning<br />

his alibi, which are fundamental in underst<strong>and</strong>ing his confession to the<br />

murder of his cousin.<br />

There are three possibilities concerning Mr A’s apparent memory problems<br />

for the events on 6 May 1995, when the murder took place. First, Mr A fully<br />

remembered committing the murder, but he was unwilling or unable to admit<br />

to it until being assisted to do so by officer E. In other words, he was faking<br />

amnesia. There was no evidence to support this <strong>and</strong> it is an extremely unlikely<br />

scenario.<br />

The second possibility is that Mr A had genuine amnesia for the murder<br />

due to a mechanism of repression, which slowly recovered over time during his<br />

conversations <strong>and</strong> interviews with the police. This was clearly the police view.<br />

This is based on the unlikely assumption that Mr A had ‘recovered memories’ of<br />

the murder during his interviews with officer E, which might have been either<br />

true or false memories of events. The problem here is that his apparent amnesia<br />

did not follow all of the characteristics typically found for psychogenic amnesias<br />

(Kopelman, 1995). That is, Mr A was apparently not psychotic <strong>and</strong> delusional<br />

at the time of the murder <strong>and</strong> he was not intoxicated with alcohol (in a study of<br />

amnesia <strong>and</strong> major crime in Icel<strong>and</strong> alcohol intoxication was a very important<br />

variable; see Gudjonsson, Petursson, Skulason & Sigurdardottir, 1989).<br />

Mr A did fulfil one of the features commonly associated with psychogenic<br />

amnesia in that he did know the victim, although this does not appear to have<br />

been a close emotional relationship. In addition, there was never any suggestion<br />

of Mr A having amnesia about the murder until he had been extensively

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