Smithsonian at the Poles: Contributions to International Polar

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see it move out where it will do good.” Senator Warren Magnuson (D– Washington) reminded the National Science Foundation that education and public outreach were well within the scope of the Foundation’s mandate: “I know from having authored the bill. The real reason for approving it was this sort of thing” (S. P. Kramer, correspondence to H. Odishaw, 6 March 1957, in Chron. fi le, IGY Offi ce of Information, National Academy of Sciences IGY Collection, Washington, D.C.). In response, the IGY organizers worked with publishers, universities specializing in teacher training, and organizations such as the Science Service to develop educational pamphlets, teacher guides, posters, and classroom activities. An example of one of IGY posters on the Oceans that also appeared in a pamphlet is reproduced in Figure 1. The IGY organizers also produced a fi lm series, Planet Earth, released in 1960, for use in schools and for educational television (U.S. National Committee for the IGY, 1960; Korsmo, 2004). There was little if any dissent on the need for an education and information campaign; the organizers believed it was the right thing to do. The arguments that emerged from the archival records were about the best ways of doing it (Korsmo, 2004). FULFILLING THE COMMITMENTS: DATA, PUBLICATION, AND RESULTS The justifi cation for having a Third International Polar Year, which became the International Geophysical Year, only twenty-fi ve years after the Second Polar Year of 1932– 1933 rested in part on the many advances made in techniques of geophysical observation, including radio communications and aviation (Chapman, 1960). If new techniques of analysis, including advances in instrumentation and processing, seem adequate to push for large-scale data collection, then how does one go about it on a worldwide scale? Who takes responsibility to collect, process, and share the data in useable formats? This was the question faced by the designers of the International Geophysical Year. The U.S. National Committee for the IGY met for the fi rst time on 27 March 1953 in Washington, D.C. In Berkner’s absence on the fi rst day, the participants expressed their doubts. There were at least two problems: fi rst, the question of whether the Soviet Union would participate at all, and second, the problem of secrecy and classifi cation of geophysical data that existed in the United States (Gerson, 1953; Needell, 2000). How could you have a worldwide program when the Soviet Union and its allies were not involved? With Stalin’s POLICY PROCESS AND THE INTERNATIONAL GEOPHYSICAL YEAR 29 death earlier that month, on 6 March 1953, the question hung in the air: Would the Soviet Union open up? At the time, the Soviet Union belonged to the World Meteorological Organization and the International Astronomical Union, but not to ICSU or other ICSU member unions. There was hardly any data exchange between the United States and its allies and the Soviet Union except for routine weather observations. On the other hand, the United States also classifi ed much of its data; the entire polar program funded by the military, for example. How could the United States expect the Soviet Union to supply data when we withheld ours? All high-latitude ionospheric data— the original focus of the Third Polar Year as proposed by Berkner and Chapman back in 1950— were considered classifi ed in the United States. The U.S. National Committee for the IGY was not the only committee to raise the problem of classifi cation and secrecy. In May 1953, the U.S. Research and Development Board’s Geophysics Committee also raised the issue to the army, navy, and air force (U.S. Research and Development Board, 1953). The Geophysics Committee made a distinction between basic data— “the elementary building blocks of scientifi c progress in the earth sciences”— and the end products, such as reports that might be used for military or national security purposes. Free access to the data, insisted the Committee, was necessary for scientifi c progress. The designers of the IGY deliberately decided in favor of a science program with free and open data exchange. Indeed, they saw IGY as a means to loosen up the secrecy classifi cations in their own country in addition to encouraging better data fl ow from other nations. By the fall of 1954, it became clear that the Soviet Union would indeed participate in the IGY, so Berkner instructed the U.S. National Committee to prepare a description of all the data that the United States was prepared to gather and exchange. The idea was to get standardized instruments to record multiple observations taken at frequent intervals in many parts of the world. These observations would be recorded, analyzed, synthesized, and preserved in usable formats for further study. As Berkner told the U.S. National Committee in 1953, “Let our measurements be designed so that repeats during the 4th [Geophysical Year] will be valuable” (Gerson, 1953). The idea of the world data centers also came up early in the IGY planning process (Chapman, 1955). The United States volunteered to host one, which became a distributed system involving several universities and research institutions all over the country, and then the Soviet Union followed suit. A third world data center was established for Europe and Japan. Multiple data sets in different parts of
30 SMITHSONIAN AT THE POLES / KORSMO FIGURE 1. The Oceans, IGY Poster. National Academy of Sciences, 1958.
Page 2 and 3: Smithsonian at the Poles Contributi
Page 4 and 5: Contents FOREWORD by Ira Rubinoff i
Page 6 and 7: Elaina Jorgensen, Alaska Fisheries
Page 8: CONTENTS vii Watching Star Birth fr
Page 11 and 12: x SMITHSONIAN AT THE POLES blooms i
Page 13 and 14: xii SMITHSONIAN AT THE POLES Change
Page 15 and 16: xiv SMITHSONIAN AT THE POLES Museum
Page 18 and 19: Advancing Polar Research and Commun
Page 20 and 21: James P. Espy (1785- 1860), the fi
Page 22 and 23: ology fueled hopes that the scienti
Page 24 and 25: Meteorologists also provided critic
Page 26 and 27: visualize weather patterns remotely
Page 28 and 29: in ice sheets. The latest collapse
Page 30 and 31: Cooperation at the Poles? Placing t
Page 32 and 33: British Association for the Advance
Page 34 and 35: cations, in which the Smithsonian s
Page 36 and 37: ence” (Robinson, 2006: 76), he ha
Page 38: Taylor, C. J. 1981. First Internati
Page 41 and 42: 24 SMITHSONIAN AT THE POLES / KORSM
Page 45: 28 SMITHSONIAN AT THE POLES / KORSM
Page 53 and 54: 36 SMITHSONIAN AT THE POLES / De VO
Page 66 and 67: From Ballooning in the Arctic to 10
Page 68 and 69: ern Svalbard in 1896 (Capelotti, 19
Page 70 and 71: FIGURE 2. The Andrée campsite in 1
Page 72 and 73: National Zoo in Washington, D.C.—
Page 74 and 75: FROM BALLOONING TO 10,000-FOOT RUNW
Page 76 and 77: e rapidly deployed to South America
Page 78 and 79: “Of No Ordinary Importance”: Re
Page 80 and 81: 1942). Ethnological collecting had
Page 82 and 83: group. More importantly, Murdoch’
Page 84 and 85: gan to study the question of Indian
Page 86 and 87: small museums and culture centers i
Page 88 and 89: fer of Alaskan objects and informat
Page 90 and 91: fi rst time in polar research— di
Page 92 and 93: Boas, Franz. 1888a. “The Central
Page 94: Lindsay, Debra. 1993. Science in th
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From Tent to Trading Post and Back
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in befriending an extraordinary Inu
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The Smithsonian Institution’s pre
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of departure for research during th
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FIGURE 8. A drawing of the so-calle
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situated experiential education and
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the Past: Archaeologists, Native Am
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Brooding and Species Diversity in t
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iefl y consider below some of the i
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ment. Consequently, the selective e
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ated from the Antarctic. Strong cur
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the four main genera of brooding sc
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ing such cryptic speciation suggest
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LITERATURE CITED Absher, T. M., G.
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Madon-Senez, C. 1998. Disparité Mo
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Persistent Elevated Abundance of Oc
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ABUNDANCE OF ANTARCTIC OCTOPODS 199
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Considerations of Anatomy, Morpholo
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Many theories have been hypothesize
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FIGURE 4. A three dimensional recon
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are wider and more bulbous in the a
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mimicked the shape and profi le of
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faces for SEM observation. The spec
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DISCUSSION Imaging and dissection o
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out its length. The pulp chamber al
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pulpal neurons and dentin tubules.
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Scientifi c Diving Under Ice: A 40-
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TABLE 2. Principal Investigators an
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attaching ice anchors to the chunks
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dumping of weight under water. The
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MARINE LIFE HAZARDS Few polar anima
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Urine should be copious and clear a
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Environmental and Molecular Mechani
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face (�1.8°C) are likely to pose
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FIGURE 2. Illustrated selection shi
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FIGURE 4. Distribution of respirati
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invertebrates were placed in the ba
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Meehan, R. R., D. S. Dunican, A. Ru
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300 SMITHSONIAN AT THE POLES / NEAL
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320 SMITHSONIAN AT THE POLES / KIEB
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Capital Expenditure and Income (For
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tal breeding systems (Boyd, 1998; T
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FIGURE 3. Pup mass gain in relation
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MONITORING FOOD CONSUMPTION DURING
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primary productivity in McMurdo Sou
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Non-steady-State Systems. Journal o
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Latitudinal Patterns of Biological
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and perhaps others, may have invade
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colonizing the Arctic Ocean under c
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due in part to the great distances
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and (2) human-mediated responses to
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Lewis, P. N., M. Riddle, and C. L.
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Cosmology from Antarctica Robert W.
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There they found better observing c
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TELESCOPES AND INSTRUMENTS AT THE S
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Gaier, T., J. Schuster, and P. Lubi
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J. M. Kovac, C. L. Kuo, A. E. Lange
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374 SMITHSONIAN AT THE POLES / WALK
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Watching Star Birth from the Antarc
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STAR BIRTH FROM THE ANTARCTIC PLATE
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is constructing and deploying the P
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Antarctic Meteorites: Exploring the
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at the Field Museum, and pieces wer
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the description and curation of Ant
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led these committees throughout the
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Index AAUS. See American Academy of
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temperature, 350-355 tourism, 354 B
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Fishing. See also Biological invasi
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McMurdo Station, xiv, 265-267, 393
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Rogick, Mary, 206 Ronne, Finn, 55 R
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U.S. Naval Support Force Antarctica
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