Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf
Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf
Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf
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Socio-cultural issues <strong>and</strong> body image<br />
groups. For example, many children in Western/white<br />
families have substantial control of what <strong>and</strong> how<br />
much they eat, 50 especially during adolescence. 48 This<br />
is not necessarily the case for children from all ethnic<br />
groups; many parents in Fijian 51 <strong>and</strong> African 44 families<br />
have an authoritarian parenting style, with children<br />
having little control over their eating patterns.<br />
This has also been reported for African American<br />
families. 21<br />
The expression of socio - cultural factors varies<br />
within ethnic groups. For example, children experience<br />
the same exposures differently from their parents,<br />
who in turn have different perceptions from older<br />
generations. These intergenerational differences have<br />
major implications for body - size preferences, as well<br />
as ideas about how to attain the optimal body size.<br />
Studies with Fijians, 52 African Americans 47 <strong>and</strong> African<br />
migrants in Australia 28,35 all report that adolescents<br />
preferred a leaner body than their parents. Thirty - one<br />
percent of Fijian adolescent females believed that that<br />
their parents wanted them to eat more than they<br />
thought was ideal. 5 In a US cohort study of pre - adolescent<br />
girls, African Americans were much more<br />
likely than white girls to report trying to gain weight. 47<br />
Weight - gain strategies were associated with parents,<br />
especially in those with less education, telling girls that<br />
they were too thin. 47 African migrant parents reinforced<br />
traditional African body - size ideals using<br />
weight - gain strategies to achieve a culturally - desired<br />
body size, overfeeding their offspring <strong>and</strong>/or promoting<br />
energy-dense foods.53 These strategies were often<br />
resisted by young African migrants. 53<br />
There are also intergenerational differences between<br />
parents <strong>and</strong> older family members in terms of body -<br />
size preferences <strong>and</strong> body - change strategies. Fijian<br />
mothers reported that their mothers/mothers - in - law<br />
shaped their ideas about appropriate infant feeding<br />
<strong>and</strong> optimal body size. 54 Co-resident gr<strong>and</strong>mothers<br />
often dominated feeding decisions in African<br />
American families, especially when they were key<br />
21<br />
caregivers.<br />
Children from all three ethnic groups are exposed<br />
to a wide continuum of values <strong>and</strong> expectations from<br />
parents, older generations, siblings <strong>and</strong> peers. Children<br />
in ethnic minority groups are likely to experience a<br />
wider spectrum of body - size ideals <strong>and</strong> eating <strong>and</strong><br />
activity practices compared to Fijians, the largest<br />
ethnic group in Fiji. African American <strong>and</strong> African<br />
migrant children are not only exposed to the different<br />
values, ideals <strong>and</strong> practices within their own group,<br />
but also those of other ethnic groups with whom they<br />
live while retaining a separate cultural identity. Both<br />
realities may be influential. When competing cultural<br />
perspectives are incongruent, the context, for example,<br />
the types <strong>and</strong> amounts of interactions with the mainstream<br />
groups, will determine which perspectives are<br />
most influential <strong>and</strong> the types of intrapersonal conflicts<br />
that arise from trying to be bicultural. 33<br />
Cultural influences are also derived from various<br />
media sources <strong>and</strong> marketing strategies that interact<br />
with culturally - shaped preferences <strong>and</strong> practices —<br />
reflecting the larger culture in the case of ethnic<br />
minority groups —thus influencing body-size preferences<br />
<strong>and</strong> eating <strong>and</strong> activity patterns. For example,<br />
within three years of television exposure in Fiji, Fijian<br />
female adolescents 5 <strong>and</strong> adults 6 changed their body -<br />
size ideals; compared to a pre - television cohort. More<br />
adult females: were dissatisfied with their bodies;<br />
believed that body size could be changed; <strong>and</strong> made<br />
an effort to do so. 6 Marketing practices also contribute<br />
to an obesogenic environment for African American<br />
children. 55,56 Studies examining the frequency <strong>and</strong><br />
content of food advertisements in television markets<br />
with a high viewership of African American children<br />
have documented the higher than average occurrence<br />
of food advertisements, especially targeting high -<br />
calorie snack foods, soft drinks <strong>and</strong> c<strong>and</strong>y, relative to<br />
21,57 – 59<br />
advertisements in predominantly white markets.<br />
The impact of the Australian media <strong>and</strong> marketing on<br />
African migrant children in Australia has yet to be<br />
studied.<br />
While socio - cultural factors underpin body size,<br />
eating <strong>and</strong> activity patterns, the socio - cultural environment<br />
is shaped by historical, 21,32 physical <strong>and</strong> economic<br />
factors. 21,30,60 We now discuss interactions<br />
between the socio - cultural environment <strong>and</strong> historical<br />
<strong>and</strong> economic factors.<br />
The s ocio - c ultural e nvironment<br />
in c ontext<br />
Historical events influence body - size ideals <strong>and</strong> strategies<br />
to achieve these ideals. The cultural acceptability<br />
of overeating may be conditioned by economic deprivation,<br />
with feasting occurring whenever food is<br />
available. 61 The most valued foods may be associated<br />
141