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Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf

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Socio-cultural issues <strong>and</strong> body image<br />

groups. For example, many children in Western/white<br />

families have substantial control of what <strong>and</strong> how<br />

much they eat, 50 especially during adolescence. 48 This<br />

is not necessarily the case for children from all ethnic<br />

groups; many parents in Fijian 51 <strong>and</strong> African 44 families<br />

have an authoritarian parenting style, with children<br />

having little control over their eating patterns.<br />

This has also been reported for African American<br />

families. 21<br />

The expression of socio - cultural factors varies<br />

within ethnic groups. For example, children experience<br />

the same exposures differently from their parents,<br />

who in turn have different perceptions from older<br />

generations. These intergenerational differences have<br />

major implications for body - size preferences, as well<br />

as ideas about how to attain the optimal body size.<br />

Studies with Fijians, 52 African Americans 47 <strong>and</strong> African<br />

migrants in Australia 28,35 all report that adolescents<br />

preferred a leaner body than their parents. Thirty - one<br />

percent of Fijian adolescent females believed that that<br />

their parents wanted them to eat more than they<br />

thought was ideal. 5 In a US cohort study of pre - adolescent<br />

girls, African Americans were much more<br />

likely than white girls to report trying to gain weight. 47<br />

Weight - gain strategies were associated with parents,<br />

especially in those with less education, telling girls that<br />

they were too thin. 47 African migrant parents reinforced<br />

traditional African body - size ideals using<br />

weight - gain strategies to achieve a culturally - desired<br />

body size, overfeeding their offspring <strong>and</strong>/or promoting<br />

energy-dense foods.53 These strategies were often<br />

resisted by young African migrants. 53<br />

There are also intergenerational differences between<br />

parents <strong>and</strong> older family members in terms of body -<br />

size preferences <strong>and</strong> body - change strategies. Fijian<br />

mothers reported that their mothers/mothers - in - law<br />

shaped their ideas about appropriate infant feeding<br />

<strong>and</strong> optimal body size. 54 Co-resident gr<strong>and</strong>mothers<br />

often dominated feeding decisions in African<br />

American families, especially when they were key<br />

21<br />

caregivers.<br />

Children from all three ethnic groups are exposed<br />

to a wide continuum of values <strong>and</strong> expectations from<br />

parents, older generations, siblings <strong>and</strong> peers. Children<br />

in ethnic minority groups are likely to experience a<br />

wider spectrum of body - size ideals <strong>and</strong> eating <strong>and</strong><br />

activity practices compared to Fijians, the largest<br />

ethnic group in Fiji. African American <strong>and</strong> African<br />

migrant children are not only exposed to the different<br />

values, ideals <strong>and</strong> practices within their own group,<br />

but also those of other ethnic groups with whom they<br />

live while retaining a separate cultural identity. Both<br />

realities may be influential. When competing cultural<br />

perspectives are incongruent, the context, for example,<br />

the types <strong>and</strong> amounts of interactions with the mainstream<br />

groups, will determine which perspectives are<br />

most influential <strong>and</strong> the types of intrapersonal conflicts<br />

that arise from trying to be bicultural. 33<br />

Cultural influences are also derived from various<br />

media sources <strong>and</strong> marketing strategies that interact<br />

with culturally - shaped preferences <strong>and</strong> practices —<br />

reflecting the larger culture in the case of ethnic<br />

minority groups —thus influencing body-size preferences<br />

<strong>and</strong> eating <strong>and</strong> activity patterns. For example,<br />

within three years of television exposure in Fiji, Fijian<br />

female adolescents 5 <strong>and</strong> adults 6 changed their body -<br />

size ideals; compared to a pre - television cohort. More<br />

adult females: were dissatisfied with their bodies;<br />

believed that body size could be changed; <strong>and</strong> made<br />

an effort to do so. 6 Marketing practices also contribute<br />

to an obesogenic environment for African American<br />

children. 55,56 Studies examining the frequency <strong>and</strong><br />

content of food advertisements in television markets<br />

with a high viewership of African American children<br />

have documented the higher than average occurrence<br />

of food advertisements, especially targeting high -<br />

calorie snack foods, soft drinks <strong>and</strong> c<strong>and</strong>y, relative to<br />

21,57 – 59<br />

advertisements in predominantly white markets.<br />

The impact of the Australian media <strong>and</strong> marketing on<br />

African migrant children in Australia has yet to be<br />

studied.<br />

While socio - cultural factors underpin body size,<br />

eating <strong>and</strong> activity patterns, the socio - cultural environment<br />

is shaped by historical, 21,32 physical <strong>and</strong> economic<br />

factors. 21,30,60 We now discuss interactions<br />

between the socio - cultural environment <strong>and</strong> historical<br />

<strong>and</strong> economic factors.<br />

The s ocio - c ultural e nvironment<br />

in c ontext<br />

Historical events influence body - size ideals <strong>and</strong> strategies<br />

to achieve these ideals. The cultural acceptability<br />

of overeating may be conditioned by economic deprivation,<br />

with feasting occurring whenever food is<br />

available. 61 The most valued foods may be associated<br />

141

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