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Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf

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Chapter 3<br />

than $10 billion per year on marketing to children.<br />

American children receive an average 65 messages<br />

from television advertising every day (about half are<br />

for food) with numerous additional marketing messages<br />

from websites, schools <strong>and</strong> in retail stores. 21 For<br />

now, television remains one of the most influential<br />

sources of communication despite the introduction of<br />

other technological advances such as the Internet <strong>and</strong><br />

the mobile phone, presently also used for marketing<br />

purposes. 22 Television is both the main electronic<br />

medium with which children engage, 23 <strong>and</strong> the<br />

primary source of advertising used by the food<br />

industry.<br />

A 1996 a cross - cultural study of children ’ s television<br />

in 13 industrialized countries found that food<br />

advertising accounted for almost half of all advertising<br />

broadcast <strong>and</strong> represented by far the largest category<br />

of advertisements shown during children ’ s TV viewing<br />

times. 24 The study demonstrated that over half of all<br />

food advertisements were dominated by confectionary,<br />

pre - sweetened breakfast cereals <strong>and</strong> fast food restaurants.<br />

Savoury snacks, high - sugar dairy products,<br />

ready prepared foods, soft drinks, cakes, biscuits <strong>and</strong><br />

desserts were also often advertised in most countries. 19<br />

In America, where most children who are at risk of<br />

becoming obese are African American children 25 from<br />

low-income families,26 African American prime-time<br />

television shows contain 60% more food commercials<br />

(fast food, c<strong>and</strong>y <strong>and</strong> snacks) compared with general<br />

27<br />

prime-time market shows.<br />

The i mpact of f ood m arketing to c hildren<br />

Central to the discussion around the impact of limiting<br />

food advertising to young children is the nature of<br />

children ’ s comprehension of advertising. 28 Food<br />

advertising to young children draws considerable<br />

public concern. Numerous studies have documented<br />

that young children whose advertising literacy is lower<br />

are more susceptible to media effects. 29,30 Prior to age<br />

7 or 8 years, children tend to view advertising as fun<br />

<strong>and</strong> do not tend to differentiate advertising from programs,<br />

regarding advertising as entertaining, unbiased<br />

information. 29,31<br />

The majority of studies on the effect of television<br />

food advertising on children ’ s food choices were<br />

North American, <strong>and</strong> took place during in the 1970s<br />

<strong>and</strong> 1980s. Goldberg ’ s study 32 in Quebec demon-<br />

strated that the more television advertisements a child<br />

sees for sugared cereals, the more likely the product<br />

will be present in the household. Taras et al 32,33 found<br />

that for children aged 4 to 8, weekly television viewing<br />

time was significantly correlated with requests for<br />

specified advertised products as well as overall energy<br />

intake. Borzekowski <strong>and</strong> Thomas ’ s experiment 34 demonstrated<br />

with 2- to 6-year-old low-income children<br />

that even a brief exposure to food advertisements led<br />

children to choose advertised products more often.<br />

Recently, Hastings et al 35 systematically reviewed<br />

the effects of advertising on food consumption in<br />

children, concluding that food promotion has an<br />

effect on their preferences, purchase behavior <strong>and</strong><br />

consumption.<br />

In contrast, Livingstone <strong>and</strong> Helsper suggest that<br />

the effects of television advertising on young children<br />

’s (2–6-year-olds) food choice are weak, concluding<br />

that young children are no more affected<br />

by advertising than teenagers. They asserted that if<br />

children of all ages, at different stages of advertising<br />

literacy are similarly influenced by advertising, then<br />

this must mask some underlying differences in<br />

persuasion.31 Livingstone <strong>and</strong> Helsper applied the<br />

Elaboration Likelihood Model of Persuasion, 36 which<br />

holds that the process responsible for advertisement<br />

effectiveness is one of two routes to persuasion. The<br />

first, known as the “ central route ”, involves effortful<br />

cognitive activity, whereby the person focuses their<br />

attention on message relevant information <strong>and</strong> draws<br />

on prior experience <strong>and</strong> knowledge to assess <strong>and</strong><br />

elaborate on the presented information. The other<br />

mode of persuasion is known as the “ peripheral<br />

route ”, whereby a person does not think much about<br />

message content but they may be still persuaded by<br />

non - content elements (peripheral cues). 37 T h e y<br />

suggest that younger children are more likely to be<br />

persuaded by the peripheral route <strong>and</strong> teenagers are<br />

more likely to be persuaded by the central route.<br />

Young children, as less media - literate viewers, are<br />

more interested in such peripheral cues such as celebrity<br />

sources, jingles <strong>and</strong> colorful <strong>and</strong> entertaining<br />

images.31 As Fischer et al 38 demonstrated, 2 –6-yearolds<br />

can recognize well - known br<strong>and</strong> names <strong>and</strong><br />

associate them with products particularly when br<strong>and</strong>s<br />

use visual cues such as bright color, pictures <strong>and</strong><br />

cartoon characters. 39<br />

28

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