Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf
Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf
Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf
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Chapter 3<br />
than $10 billion per year on marketing to children.<br />
American children receive an average 65 messages<br />
from television advertising every day (about half are<br />
for food) with numerous additional marketing messages<br />
from websites, schools <strong>and</strong> in retail stores. 21 For<br />
now, television remains one of the most influential<br />
sources of communication despite the introduction of<br />
other technological advances such as the Internet <strong>and</strong><br />
the mobile phone, presently also used for marketing<br />
purposes. 22 Television is both the main electronic<br />
medium with which children engage, 23 <strong>and</strong> the<br />
primary source of advertising used by the food<br />
industry.<br />
A 1996 a cross - cultural study of children ’ s television<br />
in 13 industrialized countries found that food<br />
advertising accounted for almost half of all advertising<br />
broadcast <strong>and</strong> represented by far the largest category<br />
of advertisements shown during children ’ s TV viewing<br />
times. 24 The study demonstrated that over half of all<br />
food advertisements were dominated by confectionary,<br />
pre - sweetened breakfast cereals <strong>and</strong> fast food restaurants.<br />
Savoury snacks, high - sugar dairy products,<br />
ready prepared foods, soft drinks, cakes, biscuits <strong>and</strong><br />
desserts were also often advertised in most countries. 19<br />
In America, where most children who are at risk of<br />
becoming obese are African American children 25 from<br />
low-income families,26 African American prime-time<br />
television shows contain 60% more food commercials<br />
(fast food, c<strong>and</strong>y <strong>and</strong> snacks) compared with general<br />
27<br />
prime-time market shows.<br />
The i mpact of f ood m arketing to c hildren<br />
Central to the discussion around the impact of limiting<br />
food advertising to young children is the nature of<br />
children ’ s comprehension of advertising. 28 Food<br />
advertising to young children draws considerable<br />
public concern. Numerous studies have documented<br />
that young children whose advertising literacy is lower<br />
are more susceptible to media effects. 29,30 Prior to age<br />
7 or 8 years, children tend to view advertising as fun<br />
<strong>and</strong> do not tend to differentiate advertising from programs,<br />
regarding advertising as entertaining, unbiased<br />
information. 29,31<br />
The majority of studies on the effect of television<br />
food advertising on children ’ s food choices were<br />
North American, <strong>and</strong> took place during in the 1970s<br />
<strong>and</strong> 1980s. Goldberg ’ s study 32 in Quebec demon-<br />
strated that the more television advertisements a child<br />
sees for sugared cereals, the more likely the product<br />
will be present in the household. Taras et al 32,33 found<br />
that for children aged 4 to 8, weekly television viewing<br />
time was significantly correlated with requests for<br />
specified advertised products as well as overall energy<br />
intake. Borzekowski <strong>and</strong> Thomas ’ s experiment 34 demonstrated<br />
with 2- to 6-year-old low-income children<br />
that even a brief exposure to food advertisements led<br />
children to choose advertised products more often.<br />
Recently, Hastings et al 35 systematically reviewed<br />
the effects of advertising on food consumption in<br />
children, concluding that food promotion has an<br />
effect on their preferences, purchase behavior <strong>and</strong><br />
consumption.<br />
In contrast, Livingstone <strong>and</strong> Helsper suggest that<br />
the effects of television advertising on young children<br />
’s (2–6-year-olds) food choice are weak, concluding<br />
that young children are no more affected<br />
by advertising than teenagers. They asserted that if<br />
children of all ages, at different stages of advertising<br />
literacy are similarly influenced by advertising, then<br />
this must mask some underlying differences in<br />
persuasion.31 Livingstone <strong>and</strong> Helsper applied the<br />
Elaboration Likelihood Model of Persuasion, 36 which<br />
holds that the process responsible for advertisement<br />
effectiveness is one of two routes to persuasion. The<br />
first, known as the “ central route ”, involves effortful<br />
cognitive activity, whereby the person focuses their<br />
attention on message relevant information <strong>and</strong> draws<br />
on prior experience <strong>and</strong> knowledge to assess <strong>and</strong><br />
elaborate on the presented information. The other<br />
mode of persuasion is known as the “ peripheral<br />
route ”, whereby a person does not think much about<br />
message content but they may be still persuaded by<br />
non - content elements (peripheral cues). 37 T h e y<br />
suggest that younger children are more likely to be<br />
persuaded by the peripheral route <strong>and</strong> teenagers are<br />
more likely to be persuaded by the central route.<br />
Young children, as less media - literate viewers, are<br />
more interested in such peripheral cues such as celebrity<br />
sources, jingles <strong>and</strong> colorful <strong>and</strong> entertaining<br />
images.31 As Fischer et al 38 demonstrated, 2 –6-yearolds<br />
can recognize well - known br<strong>and</strong> names <strong>and</strong><br />
associate them with products particularly when br<strong>and</strong>s<br />
use visual cues such as bright color, pictures <strong>and</strong><br />
cartoon characters. 39<br />
28