Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf
Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf
Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf
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<strong>Evidence</strong> framework for childhood obesity prevention<br />
in this book <strong>and</strong> only some overview comments are<br />
be made here.<br />
In general, it is possible to generate quite long lists<br />
of potential interventions to help prevent childhood<br />
obesity, although some of the intervention areas, such<br />
as improved parenting skills, are more readily identified<br />
in generalities than in specific interventions.<br />
However, adding effectiveness evidence to any more<br />
than a few of them is very difficult because of the<br />
absence of intervention studie. For the interventions<br />
that have been studied, most concern primary school<br />
children, most are in school settings, most are short<br />
term, most are not sustainable, <strong>and</strong> most have shown<br />
relatively modest effects on anthropometry (although<br />
they were often able to show improvements in eating<br />
<strong>and</strong>/or physical activity). The number of reviews in<br />
the area is starting to outnumber the number of<br />
studies. 9 – 29<br />
As interventions move towards more whole - of -<br />
community interventions, there is an increased complexity<br />
in the study design, the interventions <strong>and</strong> the<br />
evaluations, although some positive results are starting<br />
to emerge from these studies, which is very<br />
encouraging. 30 – 32 More sophisticated multi - level modeling<br />
will be needed to tease out intervention effects<br />
in these more complex interventions.<br />
For policy - makers considering strategy options,<br />
the distinction between effectiveness <strong>and</strong> cost –<br />
effectiveness is critical. If a policy objective is to be<br />
pursued with no limitation on spending, then effectiveness<br />
(the beneficial effect of a strategy in practice)<br />
is the primary consideration. But when cost limitations<br />
apply (as they inevitably do), an evaluation of<br />
cost – effectiveness is essential if rational decisions are<br />
to be made. 33<br />
A remarkable feature of the evaluations <strong>and</strong> systematic<br />
reviews of interventions described above is that<br />
they rarely mention the costs of the various programs<br />
they examine, <strong>and</strong> make no estimates of cost –<br />
effectiveness. For child obesity prevention, only one<br />
study has explicitly examined the costs of an intervention<br />
program, the US Planet Health Program. 34 Planet<br />
Health ’ s estimated cost – effectiveness ratio gives a<br />
value of $4305 per quality - adjusted life year gained,<br />
which compares favorably with interventions such as<br />
the treatment of hypertension, low - cholesterol - diet<br />
therapies, some diabetes screening programs <strong>and</strong><br />
treatments, <strong>and</strong> adult exercise programs. 35<br />
Creating a p ortfolio<br />
of i nterventions<br />
The evidence for obesity prevention covered thus far<br />
has shown: a substantial burden to warrant action;<br />
sufficient underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the determinants to know<br />
what to target; a determination of the priority target<br />
populations ( who ), the best settings to access ( where ),<br />
<strong>and</strong> the most appropriate strategies to use ( how ), <strong>and</strong>;<br />
a review of the literature about what has been shown<br />
to work, or not work. The final challenge in the IOTF<br />
framework (prior to actually implementing <strong>and</strong> evaluating<br />
the work) is to create the “ portfolio ” of interventions<br />
to be implemented. And what a challenge in<br />
priority setting it is, because the aim of intervention<br />
selection is:<br />
to agree upon a balanced portfolio of specific,<br />
promising interventions to reduce the burden of<br />
obesity <strong>and</strong> improve health <strong>and</strong> quality of life<br />
within the available capacity to do so.<br />
“ Agreement ” infers a process with decision makers<br />
coming to a joint underst<strong>and</strong>ing. “ Balanced portfolio ”<br />
means a balance of content (both nutrition <strong>and</strong> physical<br />
activity), settings (not all school - based), strategies<br />
(policies, programs, communications), <strong>and</strong> target<br />
groups (whole population, high risk). Interventions<br />
need to be “ specific ” (not “promote healthy eating ”)<br />
<strong>and</strong> “ promising ” rather than proven. The analogy of<br />
choosing a balance of products (shares, property,<br />
bonds) to create portfolio of financial investments has<br />
been used by Hawe <strong>and</strong> Shiell 36 to conceptualize<br />
appropriate investment in health. The best investments<br />
are the safe, high - return ones (i.e,. high level of<br />
evidence, high population impact) but, inevitably, the<br />
choices come down to including some safe, lower -<br />
return investments <strong>and</strong> some higher - risk (i.e., less<br />
certainty), potentially higher - return investments<br />
while excluding the high - risk, low - return ones. The<br />
IOTF framework 1 applies this investment concept to<br />
obesity prevention <strong>and</strong> presents a “ promise table ”,<br />
which is a grid of certainty (strength of evidence)<br />
versus return (population impact) into which<br />
interventions can be placed according to their<br />
credentials.<br />
The other key concepts in the priority setting aim<br />
are that the interventions reduce the “ burden of<br />
obesity ” <strong>and</strong> “ improve health <strong>and</strong> quality of life ”.<br />
53