Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf
Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf
Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf
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Chapter 24<br />
has privileged the manufacturing <strong>and</strong> marketing of<br />
highly processed food products at the expense of more<br />
basic primary foods <strong>and</strong> has not been in the interests<br />
of public health.<br />
Environmental <strong>and</strong> social constraints on<br />
the operation of the food system<br />
The viability <strong>and</strong> integrity of the food system is<br />
dependent on maintaining the biodiversity <strong>and</strong> carrying<br />
capacity of biological systems. Environmental <strong>and</strong><br />
social constraints are placing “ reality checks ” on conventional<br />
thinking towards food policy objectives. For<br />
example, the wisdom of pursuing unfettered food<br />
production <strong>and</strong> promoting over - consumption is<br />
being increasingly questioned not just by nutritionists,<br />
but also by economists <strong>and</strong> environmentalists.<br />
Many public health nutritionists argue that rapidly<br />
increasing food prices, food security concerns <strong>and</strong><br />
food wastage problems are symptoms of limitations<br />
with conventional thinking, that is, nature is “ biting ”<br />
back as environmental constraints mean that we are<br />
no longer able to sustain profligate exploitation of the<br />
food system. In the future, the environmental <strong>and</strong><br />
social impact of food policy objectives will necessarily<br />
receive greater attention in policy planning.<br />
The policy environment for<br />
physical activity<br />
Physical activity levels are significantly influenced by<br />
policies. Policies on transport infrastructure, housing,<br />
urban design, neighborhood development, zoning,<br />
residential development, policing, <strong>and</strong> so on, influence<br />
the built environment, which in turn influences<br />
the amount children will walk, cycle, play outside, <strong>and</strong><br />
take public transport. 15 Although there is some debate<br />
about the mix of individual <strong>and</strong> environmental contributions<br />
to children ’ s physical activity levels, 16 there<br />
is an increasing consensus that environments that<br />
promote active transport <strong>and</strong> outdoor recreation are<br />
not only good for health but are also more liveable<br />
<strong>and</strong> socially connected, less polluting <strong>and</strong> more sustainable.<br />
Thus, the health advocacy for improved<br />
urban environments is in synergy with many other<br />
movements <strong>and</strong> the major barrier is the expense of<br />
retro - fitting urban environments that were built for<br />
car dependence. In comparison to the food system,<br />
the policies which influence the built environment<br />
are more locally based <strong>and</strong> much less internationally<br />
dependent.<br />
<strong>Policy</strong> instruments<br />
There are a number of instruments, or tools, which<br />
governments have available for implementing policy.<br />
The primary policy instruments are: regulations <strong>and</strong><br />
laws (rules); taxation <strong>and</strong> funding (for programs,<br />
research, monitoring <strong>and</strong> evaluation, social marketing<br />
<strong>and</strong> capacity building); services <strong>and</strong> service delivery<br />
(providing hospitals, workforce, etc.); <strong>and</strong> advocacy<br />
(to the public, private sector, <strong>and</strong> other jurisdictions).<br />
Within the contemporary political environment of<br />
many developed countries there exists a dominant<br />
ideology of neoliberalism characterized by the use of<br />
those policy instruments that place more emphasis on<br />
individual responsibility for dietary <strong>and</strong> physical<br />
activity choices <strong>and</strong> less reliance on government intervention<br />
in the environments where those choices are<br />
made.<br />
Milio coined the terms “soft ” (services, funding)<br />
<strong>and</strong> “ hard ” (taxation, regulations) policy instruments<br />
to distinguish among instruments in terms of their<br />
relative level of political risk. 17 Recent studies indicate<br />
that this distinction also may correlate with policy<br />
effectiveness. Brescoll et al asked nutritionists <strong>and</strong><br />
public health policy experts to rate 51 possible child<br />
obesity prevention policies for their likely public<br />
health impact <strong>and</strong> political feasibility, respectively. 18<br />
Results showed that strong regulatory measures such<br />
as bans on food marketing to children were regarded<br />
as being less politically feasible, but more likely to be<br />
effective in obesity prevention. Conversely, policies<br />
that focused on education <strong>and</strong> information dissemination<br />
were regarded as politically feasible, but likely<br />
to have little impact on obesity prevention.<br />
How evidence gets incorporated<br />
into policy - making<br />
Making policies for the prevention of childhood<br />
obesity, as with any policy, is not a linear, rational,<br />
evidence - based process. The obesity research community<br />
has been collecting large amounts of evidence,<br />
which should be informing policies for obesity prevention,<br />
but very little of it actually comes to bear on<br />
the decision - making process. Why is this? First, much<br />
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