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Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf

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Chapter 24<br />

has privileged the manufacturing <strong>and</strong> marketing of<br />

highly processed food products at the expense of more<br />

basic primary foods <strong>and</strong> has not been in the interests<br />

of public health.<br />

Environmental <strong>and</strong> social constraints on<br />

the operation of the food system<br />

The viability <strong>and</strong> integrity of the food system is<br />

dependent on maintaining the biodiversity <strong>and</strong> carrying<br />

capacity of biological systems. Environmental <strong>and</strong><br />

social constraints are placing “ reality checks ” on conventional<br />

thinking towards food policy objectives. For<br />

example, the wisdom of pursuing unfettered food<br />

production <strong>and</strong> promoting over - consumption is<br />

being increasingly questioned not just by nutritionists,<br />

but also by economists <strong>and</strong> environmentalists.<br />

Many public health nutritionists argue that rapidly<br />

increasing food prices, food security concerns <strong>and</strong><br />

food wastage problems are symptoms of limitations<br />

with conventional thinking, that is, nature is “ biting ”<br />

back as environmental constraints mean that we are<br />

no longer able to sustain profligate exploitation of the<br />

food system. In the future, the environmental <strong>and</strong><br />

social impact of food policy objectives will necessarily<br />

receive greater attention in policy planning.<br />

The policy environment for<br />

physical activity<br />

Physical activity levels are significantly influenced by<br />

policies. Policies on transport infrastructure, housing,<br />

urban design, neighborhood development, zoning,<br />

residential development, policing, <strong>and</strong> so on, influence<br />

the built environment, which in turn influences<br />

the amount children will walk, cycle, play outside, <strong>and</strong><br />

take public transport. 15 Although there is some debate<br />

about the mix of individual <strong>and</strong> environmental contributions<br />

to children ’ s physical activity levels, 16 there<br />

is an increasing consensus that environments that<br />

promote active transport <strong>and</strong> outdoor recreation are<br />

not only good for health but are also more liveable<br />

<strong>and</strong> socially connected, less polluting <strong>and</strong> more sustainable.<br />

Thus, the health advocacy for improved<br />

urban environments is in synergy with many other<br />

movements <strong>and</strong> the major barrier is the expense of<br />

retro - fitting urban environments that were built for<br />

car dependence. In comparison to the food system,<br />

the policies which influence the built environment<br />

are more locally based <strong>and</strong> much less internationally<br />

dependent.<br />

<strong>Policy</strong> instruments<br />

There are a number of instruments, or tools, which<br />

governments have available for implementing policy.<br />

The primary policy instruments are: regulations <strong>and</strong><br />

laws (rules); taxation <strong>and</strong> funding (for programs,<br />

research, monitoring <strong>and</strong> evaluation, social marketing<br />

<strong>and</strong> capacity building); services <strong>and</strong> service delivery<br />

(providing hospitals, workforce, etc.); <strong>and</strong> advocacy<br />

(to the public, private sector, <strong>and</strong> other jurisdictions).<br />

Within the contemporary political environment of<br />

many developed countries there exists a dominant<br />

ideology of neoliberalism characterized by the use of<br />

those policy instruments that place more emphasis on<br />

individual responsibility for dietary <strong>and</strong> physical<br />

activity choices <strong>and</strong> less reliance on government intervention<br />

in the environments where those choices are<br />

made.<br />

Milio coined the terms “soft ” (services, funding)<br />

<strong>and</strong> “ hard ” (taxation, regulations) policy instruments<br />

to distinguish among instruments in terms of their<br />

relative level of political risk. 17 Recent studies indicate<br />

that this distinction also may correlate with policy<br />

effectiveness. Brescoll et al asked nutritionists <strong>and</strong><br />

public health policy experts to rate 51 possible child<br />

obesity prevention policies for their likely public<br />

health impact <strong>and</strong> political feasibility, respectively. 18<br />

Results showed that strong regulatory measures such<br />

as bans on food marketing to children were regarded<br />

as being less politically feasible, but more likely to be<br />

effective in obesity prevention. Conversely, policies<br />

that focused on education <strong>and</strong> information dissemination<br />

were regarded as politically feasible, but likely<br />

to have little impact on obesity prevention.<br />

How evidence gets incorporated<br />

into policy - making<br />

Making policies for the prevention of childhood<br />

obesity, as with any policy, is not a linear, rational,<br />

evidence - based process. The obesity research community<br />

has been collecting large amounts of evidence,<br />

which should be informing policies for obesity prevention,<br />

but very little of it actually comes to bear on<br />

the decision - making process. Why is this? First, much<br />

206

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