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Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf

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<strong>Preventing</strong> childhood obesity: looking forward<br />

notation of the term obesity may also explain why<br />

obesity is not an acceptable term for providers to use<br />

to discuss excess weight in adolescent 20 or adult<br />

patients. 21 Therefore, one of the earliest challenges in<br />

the evolution of a movement to address obesity is the<br />

need to identify a common frame that mobilizes<br />

support for policy initiatives or promotes behavior<br />

change. Because obesity is perceived as a social concern<br />

but not necessarily a personal threat, <strong>and</strong> because the<br />

term obesity is not a term that can be used to personalize<br />

the threat, further emphasis on the obesity epidemic<br />

or the health effects of obesity may not generate<br />

the commitment necessary to mobilize the public<br />

around environmental change.<br />

A second issue with respect to the threat posed by<br />

obesity is the lack of a single readily identifiable widely<br />

accepted cause. Tobacco in any quantity is harmful,<br />

whereas the same cannot be said about food.<br />

Furthermore, efforts in the United States to identify<br />

fast food, sugar - sweetened beverages, television time,<br />

or television advertising as the factor(s) responsible<br />

for the epidemic of childhood obesity have not generated<br />

the political will necessary to change them,<br />

suggesting that they are not widely perceived as a significant<br />

threat.<br />

A c ommon f rame<br />

Consistent themes that led to efforts to control tobacco<br />

were the public ’ s health, especially the need to protect<br />

youth, <strong>and</strong> the health of non - smokers. 2 With tobacco,<br />

the tobacco companies <strong>and</strong> their products quickly<br />

became the targets of efforts to reduce smoking.<br />

Limiting their ability to advertise <strong>and</strong> using economic<br />

strategies such as tobacco taxes to reduce purchases<br />

were readily accepted strategies. In contrast, it follows<br />

from the lack of perception of obesity as a common<br />

or immediate threat that other reasons to change the<br />

nutrition <strong>and</strong> physical activity environments may<br />

provide more persuasive incentives for a broad population<br />

approach to obesity. For example, many of the<br />

strategies to improve the diet <strong>and</strong> physical activity are<br />

shared with efforts to reduce global warming. Farm -<br />

to - market strategies may provide fruits <strong>and</strong> vegetables<br />

at lower cost without incurring the costs of fuel <strong>and</strong><br />

the production of carbon dioxide that result from the<br />

transportation of fruits <strong>and</strong> vegetables across the<br />

country. Likewise, use of public transportation 22 or<br />

23<br />

walk - to - school programs reduce car use <strong>and</strong> increase<br />

physical activity. Both of these examples engage<br />

groups that may not see these strategies as obesity<br />

prevention <strong>and</strong> control strategies, but might embrace<br />

them because of their impact on global warming.<br />

Another alternative may be to frame the nutrition<br />

<strong>and</strong> physical activity strategies to address obesity in<br />

terms of social justice. In the United States, significant<br />

ethnic disparities exist with respect to access to parks<br />

<strong>and</strong> recreation facilities, 24 or supermarkets that<br />

provide healthy choices of fruits, vegetables, or other<br />

lower calorie food choices. 25 Access <strong>and</strong> the promotion<br />

of parks <strong>and</strong> recreation facilities is a recommended<br />

strategy to increase physical activity, 26 <strong>and</strong><br />

access to supermarkets may improve food choices in<br />

neighborhoods where the population relies on corner<br />

shops for much of their food supply. 27 Characterization<br />

of access to healthy food choices <strong>and</strong> physical activity<br />

facilities as a reflection of social inequity may provide<br />

a more compelling rationale to generate change than<br />

the potential contribution of these inequities to<br />

obesity.<br />

Although wellness is a more elusive concept than<br />

obesity, good nutrition <strong>and</strong> physical activity are generally<br />

recognized as important components of wellness.<br />

In the United States, the economic costs<br />

associated with chronic diseases have led to a growing<br />

interest in wellness as a way to contain those costs. A<br />

recent estimate suggested that 12% of the rise in<br />

medical costs between 1987 <strong>and</strong> 2000 were attributable<br />

to obesity related illnesses. 28 The observation that<br />

one third of children born in the year 2000 in the<br />

United States will develop Type 2 diabetes mellitus at<br />

some time during their lifetime 29 <strong>and</strong> the costs associated<br />

with this disease are likely to overwhelm an<br />

already burdened medical care system.<br />

In 2005, US medical costs were approximately 15%<br />

of the gross domestic product ( GDP ), <strong>and</strong> by 2015,<br />

were expected to rise to 20% of the GDP. 30 The CEO<br />

of General Motors recently stated that medical costs<br />

paid by his company added to the costs of GM cars<br />

<strong>and</strong>, therefore, impaired GM ’ s international competitiveness.<br />

31 Furthermore, the rise in medical costs has<br />

increasingly led employers to begin shifting the<br />

payment of insurance plans to their workforce, 32 but<br />

also to the exploration <strong>and</strong> investment in worksite<br />

wellness programs. However, whether efforts in<br />

the business sector are sufficient to mobilize broader<br />

295

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