Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf
Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf
Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf
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<strong>Preventing</strong> childhood obesity: looking forward<br />
notation of the term obesity may also explain why<br />
obesity is not an acceptable term for providers to use<br />
to discuss excess weight in adolescent 20 or adult<br />
patients. 21 Therefore, one of the earliest challenges in<br />
the evolution of a movement to address obesity is the<br />
need to identify a common frame that mobilizes<br />
support for policy initiatives or promotes behavior<br />
change. Because obesity is perceived as a social concern<br />
but not necessarily a personal threat, <strong>and</strong> because the<br />
term obesity is not a term that can be used to personalize<br />
the threat, further emphasis on the obesity epidemic<br />
or the health effects of obesity may not generate<br />
the commitment necessary to mobilize the public<br />
around environmental change.<br />
A second issue with respect to the threat posed by<br />
obesity is the lack of a single readily identifiable widely<br />
accepted cause. Tobacco in any quantity is harmful,<br />
whereas the same cannot be said about food.<br />
Furthermore, efforts in the United States to identify<br />
fast food, sugar - sweetened beverages, television time,<br />
or television advertising as the factor(s) responsible<br />
for the epidemic of childhood obesity have not generated<br />
the political will necessary to change them,<br />
suggesting that they are not widely perceived as a significant<br />
threat.<br />
A c ommon f rame<br />
Consistent themes that led to efforts to control tobacco<br />
were the public ’ s health, especially the need to protect<br />
youth, <strong>and</strong> the health of non - smokers. 2 With tobacco,<br />
the tobacco companies <strong>and</strong> their products quickly<br />
became the targets of efforts to reduce smoking.<br />
Limiting their ability to advertise <strong>and</strong> using economic<br />
strategies such as tobacco taxes to reduce purchases<br />
were readily accepted strategies. In contrast, it follows<br />
from the lack of perception of obesity as a common<br />
or immediate threat that other reasons to change the<br />
nutrition <strong>and</strong> physical activity environments may<br />
provide more persuasive incentives for a broad population<br />
approach to obesity. For example, many of the<br />
strategies to improve the diet <strong>and</strong> physical activity are<br />
shared with efforts to reduce global warming. Farm -<br />
to - market strategies may provide fruits <strong>and</strong> vegetables<br />
at lower cost without incurring the costs of fuel <strong>and</strong><br />
the production of carbon dioxide that result from the<br />
transportation of fruits <strong>and</strong> vegetables across the<br />
country. Likewise, use of public transportation 22 or<br />
23<br />
walk - to - school programs reduce car use <strong>and</strong> increase<br />
physical activity. Both of these examples engage<br />
groups that may not see these strategies as obesity<br />
prevention <strong>and</strong> control strategies, but might embrace<br />
them because of their impact on global warming.<br />
Another alternative may be to frame the nutrition<br />
<strong>and</strong> physical activity strategies to address obesity in<br />
terms of social justice. In the United States, significant<br />
ethnic disparities exist with respect to access to parks<br />
<strong>and</strong> recreation facilities, 24 or supermarkets that<br />
provide healthy choices of fruits, vegetables, or other<br />
lower calorie food choices. 25 Access <strong>and</strong> the promotion<br />
of parks <strong>and</strong> recreation facilities is a recommended<br />
strategy to increase physical activity, 26 <strong>and</strong><br />
access to supermarkets may improve food choices in<br />
neighborhoods where the population relies on corner<br />
shops for much of their food supply. 27 Characterization<br />
of access to healthy food choices <strong>and</strong> physical activity<br />
facilities as a reflection of social inequity may provide<br />
a more compelling rationale to generate change than<br />
the potential contribution of these inequities to<br />
obesity.<br />
Although wellness is a more elusive concept than<br />
obesity, good nutrition <strong>and</strong> physical activity are generally<br />
recognized as important components of wellness.<br />
In the United States, the economic costs<br />
associated with chronic diseases have led to a growing<br />
interest in wellness as a way to contain those costs. A<br />
recent estimate suggested that 12% of the rise in<br />
medical costs between 1987 <strong>and</strong> 2000 were attributable<br />
to obesity related illnesses. 28 The observation that<br />
one third of children born in the year 2000 in the<br />
United States will develop Type 2 diabetes mellitus at<br />
some time during their lifetime 29 <strong>and</strong> the costs associated<br />
with this disease are likely to overwhelm an<br />
already burdened medical care system.<br />
In 2005, US medical costs were approximately 15%<br />
of the gross domestic product ( GDP ), <strong>and</strong> by 2015,<br />
were expected to rise to 20% of the GDP. 30 The CEO<br />
of General Motors recently stated that medical costs<br />
paid by his company added to the costs of GM cars<br />
<strong>and</strong>, therefore, impaired GM ’ s international competitiveness.<br />
31 Furthermore, the rise in medical costs has<br />
increasingly led employers to begin shifting the<br />
payment of insurance plans to their workforce, 32 but<br />
also to the exploration <strong>and</strong> investment in worksite<br />
wellness programs. However, whether efforts in<br />
the business sector are sufficient to mobilize broader<br />
295