Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf
Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf
Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf
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Chapter 8<br />
itself is unlikely to result in healthy food <strong>and</strong> nutrition<br />
choices, <strong>and</strong> associations between nutrition knowledge<br />
<strong>and</strong> dietary behavior have been found to be<br />
weak.<br />
33<br />
It is also possible that parents from lower socio -<br />
economic status groups have different parenting styles<br />
or parenting practices, which results in less healthy<br />
behaviors in their offspring. Vereecken et al (2004)<br />
explored whether differences in children ’ s food consumption<br />
by mothers ’ educational level could be<br />
explained by mother ’ s consumption <strong>and</strong> other eating -<br />
related parenting practices. 19 They revealed that SES<br />
differences in children ’ s fruit <strong>and</strong> vegetable consumption<br />
were completely mediated by differences in the<br />
mothers ’ food consumption <strong>and</strong> parenting practices.<br />
This was, however, not the case for SES differences<br />
in soft - drink consumption. In addition, a recent<br />
Australian study showed that adolescents living in<br />
lower SES households reported greater availability of<br />
unhealthy foods at home <strong>and</strong> were more likely to be<br />
allowed to watch TV during mealtimes, while adolescents<br />
from higher SES households reported greater<br />
availability <strong>and</strong> accessibility of fruits. 34<br />
Neighborhood SES <strong>and</strong> h ealthy f oods<br />
<strong>and</strong> PA<br />
It may also be that families from lower socio -<br />
economic positions live in neighborhoods where<br />
healthy foods <strong>and</strong> physical activity opportunities are<br />
less available.<br />
While neighborhood inequalities in food availability<br />
have been reported, the evidence on the directions<br />
of effects is inconsistent. Some studies showed that<br />
there are fewer healthy choices available in stores in<br />
more deprived areas, 35 – 37 but other studies did not find<br />
such differences, 38,39 or found evidence that healthier<br />
options were better available in the more deprived<br />
neighborhoods. 40,41 It appears that the lower availability<br />
of healthy foods in the more deprived neighborhoods<br />
is especially apparent in US cities, 42 but the<br />
majority of individuals in many Western countries —<br />
including those with less healthy diets — may have<br />
sufficient access to healthy foods.<br />
Regarding physical activity, the review by Feirreira<br />
<strong>and</strong> others showed that neighborhood crime rates are<br />
associated with lower levels of physical activity among<br />
adolescents, 5 but to date, very few studies have<br />
explored the relationship between the built environment<br />
<strong>and</strong> physical activity in youngsters. In contrast<br />
to the expectations <strong>and</strong> the studies in adults, Haerens<br />
et al found that participation in moderate to vigorous<br />
physical activity ( MVPA ) measured with accelerometers,<br />
was higher among students living further away<br />
from facilities that are attractive to adolescents. 8 In<br />
line with the findings from Jago et al, no other environmental<br />
factors (environmental safety, environmental<br />
density, sedentary equipment) were found to<br />
be associated with participation in MVPA in<br />
adolescents. 43<br />
Discussion <strong>and</strong> c onclusions<br />
The home <strong>and</strong> family environment is of key importance<br />
for behavioral nutrition <strong>and</strong> physical activity<br />
among children <strong>and</strong> adolescents. <strong>Evidence</strong> points out<br />
that the home <strong>and</strong> family physical (what is available),<br />
social - cultural (what is appropriate <strong>and</strong> acceptable),<br />
<strong>and</strong> economic (what is affordable) environments are<br />
associated with important nutrition, physical activity<br />
<strong>and</strong> sedentary behaviors that define energy balance.<br />
It should be noticed, however, that the available<br />
evidence is mostly based on studies using rather weak<br />
research designs. Most studies on potential home <strong>and</strong><br />
family environmental influences on eating <strong>and</strong> the<br />
physical activities of young people are cross - sectional,<br />
<strong>and</strong> such studies may tell us about associations, but<br />
provide no proof of causal relations. An association<br />
between, for example, parenting <strong>and</strong> children ’ s eating<br />
habits may indicate that parenting influences eating<br />
habits, but it may also mean that a child ’ s eating habits<br />
influences parenting practices. If children eat too<br />
much, too little, or the wrong things, parents are likely<br />
to adjust their parenting practices accordingly.<br />
Ventura <strong>and</strong> Birch presented a conceptual model<br />
in which they proposed that parenting, child eating<br />
<strong>and</strong> child weight status all influence each other<br />
bidirectionally.<br />
4<br />
Nevertheless, the associations found in recent<br />
studies indicate that obesity prevention for children<br />
<strong>and</strong> adolescents should focus on promoting home <strong>and</strong><br />
family environments that endorse healthy energy -<br />
balance - related behaviors. However, by far the most<br />
initiatives for obesity prevention among young people<br />
have used school - based approaches, <strong>and</strong> interventions<br />
aiming at home <strong>and</strong> family environments are scarcer<br />
<strong>and</strong>, thus, less well researched. Results from the<br />
68