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Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf

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Chapter 8<br />

itself is unlikely to result in healthy food <strong>and</strong> nutrition<br />

choices, <strong>and</strong> associations between nutrition knowledge<br />

<strong>and</strong> dietary behavior have been found to be<br />

weak.<br />

33<br />

It is also possible that parents from lower socio -<br />

economic status groups have different parenting styles<br />

or parenting practices, which results in less healthy<br />

behaviors in their offspring. Vereecken et al (2004)<br />

explored whether differences in children ’ s food consumption<br />

by mothers ’ educational level could be<br />

explained by mother ’ s consumption <strong>and</strong> other eating -<br />

related parenting practices. 19 They revealed that SES<br />

differences in children ’ s fruit <strong>and</strong> vegetable consumption<br />

were completely mediated by differences in the<br />

mothers ’ food consumption <strong>and</strong> parenting practices.<br />

This was, however, not the case for SES differences<br />

in soft - drink consumption. In addition, a recent<br />

Australian study showed that adolescents living in<br />

lower SES households reported greater availability of<br />

unhealthy foods at home <strong>and</strong> were more likely to be<br />

allowed to watch TV during mealtimes, while adolescents<br />

from higher SES households reported greater<br />

availability <strong>and</strong> accessibility of fruits. 34<br />

Neighborhood SES <strong>and</strong> h ealthy f oods<br />

<strong>and</strong> PA<br />

It may also be that families from lower socio -<br />

economic positions live in neighborhoods where<br />

healthy foods <strong>and</strong> physical activity opportunities are<br />

less available.<br />

While neighborhood inequalities in food availability<br />

have been reported, the evidence on the directions<br />

of effects is inconsistent. Some studies showed that<br />

there are fewer healthy choices available in stores in<br />

more deprived areas, 35 – 37 but other studies did not find<br />

such differences, 38,39 or found evidence that healthier<br />

options were better available in the more deprived<br />

neighborhoods. 40,41 It appears that the lower availability<br />

of healthy foods in the more deprived neighborhoods<br />

is especially apparent in US cities, 42 but the<br />

majority of individuals in many Western countries —<br />

including those with less healthy diets — may have<br />

sufficient access to healthy foods.<br />

Regarding physical activity, the review by Feirreira<br />

<strong>and</strong> others showed that neighborhood crime rates are<br />

associated with lower levels of physical activity among<br />

adolescents, 5 but to date, very few studies have<br />

explored the relationship between the built environment<br />

<strong>and</strong> physical activity in youngsters. In contrast<br />

to the expectations <strong>and</strong> the studies in adults, Haerens<br />

et al found that participation in moderate to vigorous<br />

physical activity ( MVPA ) measured with accelerometers,<br />

was higher among students living further away<br />

from facilities that are attractive to adolescents. 8 In<br />

line with the findings from Jago et al, no other environmental<br />

factors (environmental safety, environmental<br />

density, sedentary equipment) were found to<br />

be associated with participation in MVPA in<br />

adolescents. 43<br />

Discussion <strong>and</strong> c onclusions<br />

The home <strong>and</strong> family environment is of key importance<br />

for behavioral nutrition <strong>and</strong> physical activity<br />

among children <strong>and</strong> adolescents. <strong>Evidence</strong> points out<br />

that the home <strong>and</strong> family physical (what is available),<br />

social - cultural (what is appropriate <strong>and</strong> acceptable),<br />

<strong>and</strong> economic (what is affordable) environments are<br />

associated with important nutrition, physical activity<br />

<strong>and</strong> sedentary behaviors that define energy balance.<br />

It should be noticed, however, that the available<br />

evidence is mostly based on studies using rather weak<br />

research designs. Most studies on potential home <strong>and</strong><br />

family environmental influences on eating <strong>and</strong> the<br />

physical activities of young people are cross - sectional,<br />

<strong>and</strong> such studies may tell us about associations, but<br />

provide no proof of causal relations. An association<br />

between, for example, parenting <strong>and</strong> children ’ s eating<br />

habits may indicate that parenting influences eating<br />

habits, but it may also mean that a child ’ s eating habits<br />

influences parenting practices. If children eat too<br />

much, too little, or the wrong things, parents are likely<br />

to adjust their parenting practices accordingly.<br />

Ventura <strong>and</strong> Birch presented a conceptual model<br />

in which they proposed that parenting, child eating<br />

<strong>and</strong> child weight status all influence each other<br />

bidirectionally.<br />

4<br />

Nevertheless, the associations found in recent<br />

studies indicate that obesity prevention for children<br />

<strong>and</strong> adolescents should focus on promoting home <strong>and</strong><br />

family environments that endorse healthy energy -<br />

balance - related behaviors. However, by far the most<br />

initiatives for obesity prevention among young people<br />

have used school - based approaches, <strong>and</strong> interventions<br />

aiming at home <strong>and</strong> family environments are scarcer<br />

<strong>and</strong>, thus, less well researched. Results from the<br />

68

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