Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf
Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf
Preventing Childhood Obesity - Evidence Policy and Practice.pdf
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Chapter 33<br />
Finally, within a given individual, namely a malnourished<br />
young child, there can be a quick transition,<br />
over a few years or even months, from being<br />
wasted (underweight for height) to being overweight<br />
or even obese (excess weight for height). Moreover, in<br />
many cases, these children remain stunted (low height<br />
for age), making them more vulnerable in an urban<br />
setting to obesity <strong>and</strong> diabetes, both of which are<br />
linked to excess body fat resulting from sedentary lifestyles<br />
<strong>and</strong> consumption of high - energy density diets.<br />
In fact, the model of the malnourished child during<br />
recovery serves to illustrate many of the features of the<br />
nutrition transition mirroring the rapid shift in diet<br />
from low - to high - energy density food, as well as a<br />
progressively sedentary life style, that moves stunted<br />
populations from underweight to overweight <strong>and</strong><br />
obesity. 12<br />
More recently, the influence of postnatal growth on<br />
later development of obesity <strong>and</strong> nutrition - related<br />
chronic disease has been documented. Postnatal<br />
growth is clearly related to prenatal growth with some<br />
of the metabolic changes associated with prenatal<br />
nutritional sufficiency affecting postnatal physiology<br />
13 – 15<br />
<strong>and</strong> behavior which, in turn, affect growth. In<br />
2005, Stein et al reviewed the evidence linking child<br />
growth <strong>and</strong> chronic diseases in five cohorts from transitional<br />
countries (China, India, Guatemala, Brazil<br />
<strong>and</strong> the Philippines) concluding that growth failure in<br />
early childhood <strong>and</strong> increased weight gain in later<br />
childhood were associated with increased prevalence<br />
of risk factors for cardiovascular disease (i.e. body<br />
composition, blood pressure, glucose metabolism). 16<br />
These results correspond to studies from cohorts that<br />
originated in the 1970s <strong>and</strong> early 1980s. The clear<br />
progression of the obesogenic environment in most<br />
countries around the world suggests that the present<br />
impact of these early life factors in determining<br />
the rise in adult chronic diseases is likely to be<br />
underestimated.<br />
Postnatal growth, on the other h<strong>and</strong>, is also associated<br />
with later adult disease independent of prenatal<br />
growth. Studies from developed countries show a consistent<br />
positive association between infant size <strong>and</strong><br />
later body size but inconsistent associations with later<br />
disease. 17 In transitional countries, it is important to<br />
clarify the relative importance of growth in different<br />
postnatal periods in order to implement interventions.<br />
In Brazil, India <strong>and</strong> Guatemala, growth in<br />
infancy (0 – 1 years) <strong>and</strong> late childhood (over 2 years)<br />
were described as critical periods predicting adult<br />
body composition. Weight gain in infancy was related<br />
to higher fat - free mass in adulthood, while rapid<br />
weight gain in late childhood was associated with a<br />
higher acquisition of fat mass. In India, greater<br />
increases in body mass index ( BMI ) between 2 <strong>and</strong> 12<br />
years were strongly associated with glucose intolerance<br />
<strong>and</strong> Type 2 diabetes in adulthood. 15<br />
Access to f ood, p overty <strong>and</strong><br />
c hildhood o besity<br />
Income level is the main determinant of access to<br />
food. The proportion of family income that is spent<br />
on food serves to define the population income categories<br />
in most developing countries. If family income<br />
is less than the cost of one basic food basket the family<br />
is defined as indigent; those with income below the<br />
cost of two food baskets are classified as poor, in this<br />
case they actually spend more than 50% of their<br />
income on basic foods. 18<br />
Food security depends on the households ’ access to<br />
food rather than overall availability of food. In rural<br />
areas, household food security depends mainly on<br />
access to l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> other agricultural resources which<br />
facilitate domestic production. In urban areas,<br />
however, food is mainly purchased in the market. A<br />
variety of foods, therefore, needs to be available <strong>and</strong><br />
affordable in urban markets for adequate food security.<br />
In most developing regions there is plenty of food<br />
in the stores, yet families living under poverty conditions<br />
are unable to buy food of sufficient quantity <strong>and</strong>/<br />
or quality <strong>and</strong> thus will be food insecure. 19,20<br />
Poverty <strong>and</strong> food insecurity go h<strong>and</strong> in h<strong>and</strong>. Food<br />
security in poor households often fluctuates dramatically,<br />
depending on changes in agricultural production<br />
in response to seasonal <strong>and</strong> environmental<br />
conditions. Fluctuating market prices affect poor producers<br />
as well as the urban or rural poor. In an open<br />
market economy, farmers <strong>and</strong> their families are also<br />
affected by falling global market prices for food commodities.<br />
In most cases, they depend on products they<br />
place in the market <strong>and</strong> this means that their income<br />
will vary with commodity prices which are beyond<br />
their control. In the urban setting, the poor rely on<br />
food purchases that are commonly affected by<br />
rampant inflation. This income instability means that<br />
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