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Crossroads in Cultural Studies Conference 14-17th December 2016 Program Index

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(CI) policy narratives and their critiques. Such narratives would typically read the establishment of<br />

<strong>in</strong>stitutions like Carriageworks as a welcome answer to urban decl<strong>in</strong>e, tied <strong>in</strong>to place competition; and their<br />

critiques would argue aga<strong>in</strong>st this pro-market analysis. This paper argues that the establishment of<br />

Carriageworks was by no means a historical given, as the typical CI approaches may suggest. An ethnography<br />

of this centre’s formation reveals the crucial role of emotional labour <strong>in</strong> allow<strong>in</strong>g this <strong>in</strong>stitution to exist and<br />

subsequently thrive. Trac<strong>in</strong>g the work of emotional labour helps us to not only account for alternative forces<br />

critical to the production of such <strong>in</strong>stitutions, but consider forms of value for them that fall outside of<br />

creative <strong>in</strong>dustry metrics.<br />

Scott East* & Ben Hightower* Invest<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> culture: Art and Social Justice<br />

For many, the 20<strong>14</strong> Sydney Biennale was overshadowed by a campaign led by refugee advocacy groups<br />

target<strong>in</strong>g the event’s l<strong>in</strong>ks with Transfield, a company awarded a multi-million dollar contract with the<br />

Australian Government to <strong>in</strong>def<strong>in</strong>itely deta<strong>in</strong> refugees. The campaign sought to publicly make visible the<br />

connections and tensions between art, bus<strong>in</strong>ess and social justice. The range and <strong>in</strong>tensity of the responses<br />

that followed allows us an example from which to unpack similar movements for divestment. This is often<br />

focused on encourag<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>dividuals and <strong>in</strong>stitutions to divest f<strong>in</strong>ancially from socially and environmentally<br />

unjust practices <strong>in</strong> order to create social change. Alternative opportunities for social justice are possible<br />

when a broader sense of <strong>in</strong>vestment <strong>in</strong> culture is explored.<br />

George Morgan Creative Workers, Inequality and the Social Factory Lock-Out<br />

“The metropolis is to the multitude what the factory was to the <strong>in</strong>dustrial work<strong>in</strong>g class.” (Hardt and Negri,<br />

Commonwealth). Social theorists have divergent perspectives on the “social factory” and the plight of those<br />

who labour with<strong>in</strong> it. Some (Hardt and Negri, 2009) see it as both a site of “flexploitation” and of the<br />

flower<strong>in</strong>g of the creative commons that can generate the conditions for a radically new political and<br />

economic system. Others (Pratt and Gill, 2008) see the hyper-competition of new capitalism as erod<strong>in</strong>g the<br />

social dimension of the social factory, creat<strong>in</strong>g more <strong>in</strong>dividualised environments. Capitalism conscripts the<br />

energy of <strong>in</strong>dependent creativity by collaps<strong>in</strong>g the work- life division and develop<strong>in</strong>g what de Peuter calls a<br />

“parasitical relation of the market to the common” (de Peuter 2011). This paper draws on data from<br />

<strong>in</strong>terview young people from work<strong>in</strong>g class backgrounds <strong>in</strong> Sydney’s western suburbs, who are tra<strong>in</strong>ees or<br />

early career workers <strong>in</strong> creative fields. They are remote from the places and social networks through which<br />

work is allocated <strong>in</strong> their chosen fields and are thus effectively locked out of the social factory.<br />

9H<br />

Digital Cultures and Publics <strong>in</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a and the Ch<strong>in</strong>ese Diaspora (Chair and discussant, Terry Flew)<br />

The world’s largest <strong>in</strong>ternet population is now <strong>in</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a, which also is the base of many of the worlds largest Internet<br />

companies (Alibaba, Baidu, Tencent) and social media platforms (Weibo, WeChat). It is also one of the most vibrant<br />

nations <strong>in</strong> the world for electronic commerce, and the Ch<strong>in</strong>ese government has put the <strong>in</strong>ternet at the centre of its<br />

current economic strategy through Internet + and support for start-ups and maker spaces. Yet there has been<br />

relatively little detailed analysis of cultures of <strong>in</strong>ternet use <strong>in</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a. It is also important to note that “the Ch<strong>in</strong>ese<br />

<strong>in</strong>ternet” does not simply refer to <strong>in</strong>ternet use <strong>in</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a itself, but to the very large Ch<strong>in</strong>ese diasporic populations<br />

around the world.<br />

Liangen Y<strong>in</strong><br />

Xi Dada loves Peng Mama: Personality Cult as a cultural phenomenon <strong>in</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a<br />

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