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s i d e [ 3 4 ]<br />

M i k k e l T h o r u p<br />

særlige erfaring ud af Europa og ud af<br />

den europæiske læringsproces. Jan-Werner<br />

Müller bemærker:<br />

“Habermas showed a marked lack of<br />

interest in the East German revolution.<br />

He somewhat dismissively called the East<br />

German and the East European revolutions<br />

nachholend, i.e. revolutions to catch up with<br />

the West and the ideas of 1789. Habermas<br />

emphasized that ‘the catching up revolution<br />

does not throw any new light on our old<br />

problems’.” (Müller 2000, 109)<br />

Det gør det særligt interessant, at Habermas<br />

siger: “The Europe of today grew out<br />

of the experiences of the totalitarian<br />

regime of the twentieth century and from<br />

Holocaust” (Habermas & Derrida 2003);<br />

dvs fra erfaringen med ét totalitært regime,<br />

det nazistiske, og ikke med det andet, det<br />

kommunistiske. Slavoj Žižek kommenterer:<br />

“… in order to characterize the demise of<br />

the Socialist regimes in 1990, Habermas<br />

coined the term ‘catch-up revolution’:<br />

the West (Western liberal democracy)<br />

has nothing to learn from the Eastern<br />

European Communist experience, since<br />

in 1990, these countries simply caught up<br />

with the social development of the Western<br />

liberal-democratic regimes. Habermas<br />

thereby writes off this experience as<br />

simply accidental, denying any fundamental<br />

structural relationship between Western<br />

democracy and the rise of ‘totalitarianism’ –<br />

any notion that ‘totalitarianism’ is a symptom<br />

of the inner tensions of the democratic<br />

project itself ” (Žižek 2002, 299).<br />

Europa bliver effektivt til Vesteuropa – og<br />

endda reduceret til Tyskland, Frankrig og<br />

Benelux-landene (Lucke 2004, 54). En<br />

tilsvarende reduktion kan observeres, når vi<br />

ser på, hvordan Europas værdier bestemmes.<br />

Buttiglioni-sagen (hvor en italiensk<br />

kommissær blev afvist pga sine reaktionære<br />

synspunkter) viste for sydeuropæiske<br />

katolikker, at EU er nordeuropæiskprotestantisk<br />

i sine ekspliciterede værdisæt.<br />

Når Habermas eller Castells skal forklare,<br />

hvad der er fælleseuropæisk, så reducerer<br />

de effektivt Europa til de nordeuropæiske<br />

velfærdsstater (Habermas 2001, 19-21;<br />

Castells 2000a, chap. 5; Castells 2000b;<br />

Castells 2004; Kaube 2005, 56).<br />

Europa viser sig paradoksalt nok<br />

at blive model for verden i den samme<br />

bevægelse, som reducerer den til stadig<br />

mindre.<br />

Litteratur<br />

Blair, Tony (2001): ‘Speech at the Labour party<br />

conference. October 2, 2001’, http://politics.<br />

guardian.co.uk/labourconference2001/<br />

story/0,1220,561985,00.html<br />

Castells, Manuel (1997): The Information Age: The Power<br />

of Identity, Oxford: Blackwell<br />

Castells, Manuel (2000a): The Information Age: End of<br />

Millennium, Oxford: Blackwell<br />

Castells, Manuel (2000b): ’Att bygga en europeisk<br />

identitet’, Ord & Bild, no. 6, pp. 14-19<br />

Castells, Manuel (2000c). The Information Age: The<br />

Network Society, Oxford: Blackwell<br />

Castells, Manuel (2004): ‘European unification in the<br />

era of the network state’, December 11, www.<br />

opendemocracynet<br />

Chandler, David (2002): From Kosovo to Kabul. Human<br />

Rights and International Intervention, London &<br />

Sterling, Pluto Press

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