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Reframing Latin America: A Cultural Theory Reading ... - BGSU Blogs

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106 reframing latin america<br />

rationalize inequality. Instead of basing it on birthright, they explain it as<br />

a product of naturally occurring differences between individual human beings.<br />

The idea is that a free society removes limits placed on individuals,<br />

freeing them to make of themselves as they wish, or at least as they are able<br />

according to capabilities. Our moral principles impel us to create safety nets<br />

for those who are physically or mentally incapable of looking after themselves,<br />

but beyond that we allow human beings to be whatever they are able<br />

to be. This is the foundation of the meritocracy, the idea that one’s merits<br />

determine one’s future, not birthright or bloodline.<br />

Of course, for this system to operate as it is supposed to, there must<br />

be a “level playing fi eld,” as it is often called in contemporary political<br />

parlance. One person cannot have unfair advantages over another. Much<br />

contemporary political debate takes place over the degree to which we have<br />

created equal opportunity. Conservatives tend to argue that we have done<br />

so, whereas liberals tend to believe that we need to do more. Either way,<br />

both liberals and conservatives operate on the common foundation that<br />

with a level playing fi eld one’s class position will refl ect one’s natural capacity<br />

or, as it is sometimes called, one’s God-given talents. They readily<br />

acknowledge that exceptions to the rule occur, that some people squander<br />

their God-given talents, while others who lack such gifts get lucky and rise<br />

above their likely station in life. But proponents of a meritocracy believe<br />

that in most cases “the cream rises to the top.”<br />

It would seem, then, that we have abandoned to the dustbin of history<br />

the notion of class essentialism. But have we? Semioticians argue that our<br />

contemporary justifi cations for inequality are not so different from those of<br />

our premodern ancestors. We disseminate resources based on the belief that<br />

some people are more deserving than others because of qualities they were<br />

born with, be it intelligence, determination, patience, or whatever other<br />

trait allows them to excel in life. Whereas the proponents of this system<br />

believe it is rooted in objective truths about human nature, semioticians see<br />

it as based on ideas (i.e., discursive constructs).<br />

Semioticians are highly suspicious of modernist claims to equality, seeing<br />

them as facades for hierarchical power relations rooted in discursive<br />

constructs of race, gender, and nationality, among others. Take, for example,<br />

the case of John Edwards, the Democratic vice presidential candidate in the<br />

2004 election. Edwards was born to a working-class family in a small town<br />

in South Carolina and, like his father, worked in a mill as a young man. But<br />

Edwards was also intelligent and driven. He became the fi rst member of his<br />

family to attend college, eventually going on to have a long and lucrative<br />

career in law. Starting in the mid-1990s, he began a meteoric political ca-

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