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Cosmopolitan Networks in Commerce and Society 1660–1914

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Hanseatic <strong>Networks</strong> <strong>in</strong> Tropical Markets<br />

Beyond the daily tribulations of domestic liv<strong>in</strong>g, Schramm was<br />

also exposed to some of the larger economic struggles <strong>and</strong> public<br />

health hazards that impacted on Brazilian society dur<strong>in</strong>g the 1850s<br />

<strong>and</strong> early 1860s. Slavery <strong>and</strong> the gradual transition to wage-labour<br />

work relations <strong>in</strong> the country were <strong>in</strong>escapable issues of public <strong>and</strong><br />

private debate <strong>in</strong> the sugar-grow<strong>in</strong>g region, where much of the harvest<strong>in</strong>g<br />

<strong>and</strong> process<strong>in</strong>g of sugar cane was performed by slave labourers.<br />

The Schramm bus<strong>in</strong>ess <strong>in</strong> town relied on slaves, <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> their<br />

household the Schramms employed both slaves <strong>and</strong> emancipated<br />

servants, as well as female servants from Germany. Several serious<br />

cholera outbreaks had depleted the labour supply <strong>in</strong> the region, lead<strong>in</strong>g<br />

to a grow<strong>in</strong>g dem<strong>and</strong> for replacement wage-labourers <strong>in</strong> the<br />

sugar fields <strong>and</strong> production facilities. The start of the US Civil War <strong>in</strong><br />

April 1861 <strong>in</strong>tensified the debate with<strong>in</strong> the country about the moral<br />

<strong>and</strong> economic costs of tolerat<strong>in</strong>g slave labour <strong>and</strong> prompted<br />

Schramm herself to share her own contorted views on the subject <strong>in</strong><br />

letters to friends <strong>in</strong> Germany. ‘Theoretically no one is for slavery, naturally’,<br />

she wrote to a friend from Hamburg. ‘For practical reasons,<br />

however, almost everyone regards it as a necessary evil <strong>and</strong> feels that<br />

a sudden emancipation of all slaves without a transitional period<br />

would be unmanageable. I wish that all idealists like [Harriet<br />

Beecher] Stowe <strong>and</strong> the like were themselves slave owners or completely<br />

dependent on slave labour, as is the case with those <strong>in</strong> the<br />

tropics.’ 41<br />

In order to counter the impression that she was an advocate of<br />

slavery, Schramm added that she <strong>and</strong> her husb<strong>and</strong> hoped to free<br />

their own ‘house slaves’ after their planned return to Germany, but<br />

she expressed strong negative op<strong>in</strong>ions about the work<strong>in</strong>g habits of<br />

freed slaves <strong>in</strong> the country <strong>and</strong> voiced doubts about their value as<br />

reliable replacement labourers <strong>in</strong> the household. In particular, she<br />

shared the concern of others <strong>in</strong> the town about the loss of barga<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g<br />

power that would result from the creation of an <strong>in</strong>dependent labour<br />

force of wage workers <strong>and</strong> domestics.<br />

Writ<strong>in</strong>g to her network of female correspondents back home,<br />

Adolph<strong>in</strong>e transmitted a rich array of impressions about slave-own<strong>in</strong>g<br />

society <strong>in</strong>timately connected with the family bus<strong>in</strong>ess <strong>and</strong><br />

41 A. Schramm to Frau Doop, 26 July 1861, 466. On the reception of Stowe’s<br />

novel <strong>in</strong> Germany dur<strong>in</strong>g the 1850s <strong>and</strong> 1860s, see Paul, Kulturkontakt und<br />

Racial Presences, 127–85.<br />

113

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