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Cosmopolitan Networks in Commerce and Society 1660–1914

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Hanseatic <strong>Networks</strong> <strong>in</strong> Tropical Markets<br />

met with the disapproval of government decision-makers. This pragmatic<br />

strategy succeeded <strong>in</strong> w<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g Bismarck over to the goals of<br />

the colonial lobby. 86 As was the case with the Bremen tobacco merchant,<br />

Adolf Lüderitz, <strong>in</strong> South-West Africa, Woermann’s lobby<strong>in</strong>g<br />

paid dividends <strong>in</strong> the summer of 1884, when his hold<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> Cam -<br />

eroon, along with other German <strong>in</strong>vestments <strong>in</strong> Togo, were placed<br />

under government protection. 87<br />

The German turn towards colonial empire <strong>in</strong> the 1880s could not<br />

have taken place without the will<strong>in</strong>g participation of Hanseatic merchants<br />

<strong>and</strong> shippers who drew upon their ties to nationalist networks<br />

<strong>in</strong> order to secure state protection for their private assets <strong>in</strong> emerg<strong>in</strong>g<br />

tropical markets. But commercial cosmopolitanism was not an immediate<br />

casualty of this decision-mak<strong>in</strong>g process. Colonialism was<br />

never <strong>in</strong>tended to supplant the globe-spann<strong>in</strong>g commercial networks<br />

that already existed. Its supporters regarded colonialism as a supplementary<br />

bus<strong>in</strong>ess model to be applied only <strong>in</strong> overseas markets<br />

where cosmopolitanism had reached its limits. Hamburg <strong>and</strong> Bre -<br />

men cont<strong>in</strong>ued to be gateways to the world, shuttl<strong>in</strong>g people <strong>and</strong><br />

commodities to their desired dest<strong>in</strong>ations, while also serv<strong>in</strong>g as critical<br />

enablers of colonial conquest.<br />

Over the longer term, German colonial activism always had the<br />

potential to disrupt the cosmopolitan networks that Hanseatic economic<br />

elites had carefully cultivated for generations. Radical nationalists<br />

with j<strong>in</strong>goistic <strong>and</strong> Anglophobic attitudes were also key players<br />

<strong>in</strong> the colonial network, <strong>and</strong> they fiercely resisted attempts to limit<br />

the scope of German imperial expansion. 88 Ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g a world<br />

86 Hartmut Pogge von Str<strong>and</strong>mann, ‘Domestic Orig<strong>in</strong>s of Germany’s Co lo -<br />

nial Expansion under Bismarck’, Past <strong>and</strong> Present, 42 (1969), 140–59.<br />

87 Wehler, Bismarck und der Imperialismus, 298–327; Harry R. Rud<strong>in</strong>, Germans<br />

<strong>in</strong> the Cameroons 1884–1914: A Case Study <strong>in</strong> Modern Imperialism (London,<br />

1938); Kar<strong>in</strong> Hausen, Deutsche Kolonialherrschaft <strong>in</strong> Afrika: Wirtschafts<strong>in</strong>teressen<br />

und Kolonialverwaltung <strong>in</strong> Kamerun vor 1914 (Zurich, 1970); Helmut Stoecker<br />

(ed.), Kamerun under deutscher Kolonialherrschaft, 2 vols. (Berl<strong>in</strong>, 1968); Albert<br />

Wirz, Vom Sklavenh<strong>and</strong>el zum kolonialen H<strong>and</strong>el: Wirtschaftsräume und Wirt -<br />

schaftsformen <strong>in</strong> Kamerun vor 1914 (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1972).<br />

88 Woodruff D. Smith, The Ideological Orig<strong>in</strong>s of Nazi Imperialism (New York,<br />

1986); Roger Chicker<strong>in</strong>g, We Men Who Feel Most German: A Cultural Study of<br />

the Pan-German League, 1886–1914 (Boston, 1984); Geoff Eley, Reshap<strong>in</strong>g the<br />

German Right: Radical Nationalism <strong>and</strong> Political Change after Bismarck (new<br />

edn., Ann Arbor, 1991).<br />

129

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