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4) In Zemun [part of Belgrade]. How is freedom of speech sanctioned here?? HDZ<br />

[Croatian Democratic Union, party] cannot prevent you from talking about whatever. Tito<br />

could do that. And he could also kill for that.<br />

taurunumurban<br />

@taurunumurban you seem like a decent enough person for not insulting etc. me at once.<br />

The system is not two-party, just seems so, as there are only two parties that can put<br />

together a government, and as far as life on loan is concerned, here you‘re wrong, Croatia<br />

inherited some 10 billion euro debt (not sure, something like that) and now we owe 42<br />

billion, in just 20 years, nothing in Cro was done, everything is being sold and everything<br />

is in debt<br />

hristo7777 271<br />

Triggered by Balašević‘s now already nostalgic song, 272 this exchange seems telling enough in<br />

illustrating different understandings of both the past and the present. Roughly speaking,<br />

taurunumurban takes the position of looking at the past through an idealised present (with<br />

flourishing democracy, free economy, idealised EU), or at least a present against the backdrop of<br />

an unbearable past. hristo7777 on the other hand quite differently observes the present through the<br />

perspective of an idealised past (and significantly through a should-be-present). This appears to be<br />

the archetypal distinction in conceptualising Yugoslav past in popular renditions, debates and<br />

interpretations. Importantly, it exposes many of the perturbing issues today in post-Yugoslav<br />

countries, from malfunctioning multiparty systems to inefficient economies, as the ―[i]ndividuals<br />

who negotiated these local and national changes were simultaneously caught up in late 20th<br />

century consumer capitalism, which sold itself as the most successful model of social<br />

organisation.‖ 273<br />

In many cases making reference to the Yugoslav socialist past in any sort of positive manner is<br />

labelled ‗mere‘ nostalgia. But such reasoning is often amiss with the broader context within which<br />

‗nostalgic‘ statements are being made. The most basic distinction can be drawn between emigrants<br />

and citizens of the new republics, both of whom were suddenly left without a homeland, without a<br />

history, a broader referential (social, cultural and political) framework. On one level, yes, this may<br />

cause nostalgia in its most rudimentary form and also in the more elaborate distinctions, as<br />

proposed by Svetlana Boym, 274 who differentiates between restorative and reflective nostalgia.<br />

However, where ‗mere‘ nostalgia approaches fail is that they do not acknowledge a most ordinary<br />

desire for a coherent past, for a comprehensive referential framework, in short, ‗nostalgic<br />

271 See mejerchold, ―Tri put sam video Tita,‖ comments, http://www.youtube.com/all_comments?v=E2N-WUeHwRo,<br />

accessed 2 September 2011.<br />

272 Cf. Catherine Baker, ―‗Death to Fascism isn‘t in the Catechism,‘ 168.<br />

273 Ibid., 164.<br />

274 Boym, The Future of Nostalgia.<br />

133

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