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home and folks more than ever. You say you work for 350 €, and I live here, work, study, buy clothes, eat and pay rent with 600 €. Bosancheros85 317 What gremlinBG and Bosancheros85 communicate between themselves is a story of two migrants: one migrated in time, leaving his homeland behind, while the other migrated as well geographically. Both of them have lost their homeland, but they observe it from a different perspective, finding different solutions to their problems. And it seems it is this perspective that prevents them from finding a common ground. But what they communicate to 4MO visitors (and the apparatus) is a piece of a wider post-socialist problematic: displacement, bad living conditions, and general disappointment. We can see that digital memorials as examples of co-creative storytelling, apart from an externalisation of memory by the maker, also present a conduit to expressing very personal issues by visitors in a public space: unlike the ‗classic‘ memorials where little room is available for expressing disagreement or even debate about the contested part of history. Different ‗versions‘ of history or externalisations of memory are frequently materialised in different spaces: monuments, memorials, commemorations, and they may clash for instance in professional debates, political campaigns and round tables. 4MO on the other hand, ideally offers a space where divergent, opposing interpretations can meet and interact without ‗authorial mediation.‘ The reality, as I have shown, is usually not as ideal. Rather, ‗problematic‘ historical events/people/periods, or rather their cybertraces, provide fertile ground for radicalisation and affect around certain topics. Despite the potentialities offered by digital storytelling and the co-creative functionalities in 4MO, to a large extent the public debates seem not to go beyond the limits of pub-debates and fixed positions. With this in mind it can be said that a tendency of users/co-creators (makers and visitors) in digital memorials is not to discuss or debate a particular topic in very much detail. Despite the technological dispositions of the internet, and YouTube in particular, that at least in a utopian view should facilitate a world of knowledge, these are only to a limited extend used this way. From a techno-cultural point of view this may be an indication of the discrepancy between the intended use of a technology on the one hand and its actual, experiential application on the other. 318 The prevalent strategy seems to be a more on-the-fly connection to the posted content without lengthy or serious involvement into the topic. True, the short statements may not be totally disengaged. To 317 See comments at http://www.youtube.com/all_comments?v=M7SorJzdBtc&page=4. 318 See Gitelman, Always Already New on the gramophone; see also Friedrich Kittler, Gramophone, Film, Typewriter, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1999. 162
the contrary, they are often overly engaged and affective in relation to the audiovisual stories that on many occasions seem to strike a very delicate note with the visitor. And in case of Yugoslavia, and the interested visitors, it is indeed a delicate topic that this storytelling is taking as its subject. Hence, the memorials themselves are bound to fuel, as the ones discussed do, (also) affective reactions. In the co-creation of digital memorials two aspects are important: the maker‘s and the visitor‘s points of view, both intrinsically related to identity performance. The former may indeed externalise memory in the sense that she creates a digital narrative in which music, photos and video (and text) are employed to convey her own historical statement. This externalisation is conditioned on two levels. First, the digital memorial is incomplete unless co-created (acknowledged) by the users who visit it, comment on it and/or share it in their networks. It is only then that the memorial, albeit technically already public, attracts public attention (however limited). Second, and just as crucial, is the phenomenon of the ‗jukebox metaphor.‘ With the jukebox metaphor I refer to the relatively limited number of objects available to be used in digital memorials (scanned photographs and songs) which become recognisable and widely used through repetitive use and reproduction. Consequently they become understood as ‗the‘ representations of a particular topic. For instance, among a large number of photographs of Tito that exist, there is a certain assortment of those most often used, hence most ‗representative‘; postcard motives (often used in digital storytelling, although not discussed here) representing Mostar Bridge, Lake Bled, republic‘s capitals, etc. The jukebox principle, in principle, implies that an individual can only choose from among a pre-determined collection of objects, images, songs, ideas ... much like in a jukebox. The trick is in that every choice is usually understood as ‗free choice,‘ and the ―from among a ready-made selection‖ part is often obscured. This phenomenon is characteristic for both the maker and the visitor who tend to take the video and its constituent audiovisual parts as a given. Or if not so, not questionable in terms of accuracy. This is particularly apparent in the absence of any observation of the fact that in many memorials the images used are stripped of all referentiality. Thus the visitor is in no position to establish whether a person depicted in a photograph is ‗real,‘ or is it from a feature film, the locations are often unidentifiable, sometimes it is even hard to tell if a person in a low-resolution video is a partisan or a Nazi. All in all this seems to play no significant role. To the contrary, the storytelling in DME works along the principle of suspension of disbelief, 319 yet it also invites a consideration 319 See for instance ―Suspension of Disbelief,‖ Mediacolelge.com, http://www.mediacollege.com/glossary/s/suspension-of-disbelief.html. 163
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UNIVERSITY OF NOVA GORICA GRADUATE
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Some cases in vernacular digital me
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others in the remains of Yugoslavia
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Chapter 1 | Introduction: Cyberplac
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storytelling, memories and memorial
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conceptual framework supporting thi
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Media and Memory The most ubiquitou
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Archiving, Techno-topia and Pervasi
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as an archive, 29 the randomness of
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technologies (typewriters, calculat
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digital age. 41 Yet, considering th
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which she can, at the click of the
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However, in the case of Yugoslav di
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narrativisations, sampling, remixin
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cultural frameworks.‖ 67 Moreover
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from ‗pre-media‘ (before the in
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framework accounts for numerous eme
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outside the process of representati
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understanding of (the production an
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they are able through digital conne
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Setting Sail Reappropriations and r
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After the internet and digital comm
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that was made during the era of soc
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create and communicate, via digital
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time.‖ 127 Drawing on this concep
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the different musics‘ ―common f
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Blogging and Memory The practice of
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enhanced in blogging, it apparently
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and enthusiasts alike. Thus, for in
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videos are used as audiovisual reco
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Figure 4 | Yugoslav Airlines Luggag
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the posts are fairly scant textuall
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Finally, if initially recording and
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spectacle for which that audience h
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usiness) and outdated principles of
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and replaying music require much le
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encourages the visitors to buy. 173
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also provides a genre distinction a
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initial way for the past to ‗surv
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Through referring (nostalgically) t
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posts he uses a first-person, very
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the past ... on the part of the vis
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uploaded, so do share with others.
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music. Such blog-enabled preservati
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This activity is in a way similar t
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I guess that in 1984 Luna and Katar
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TCHECHOSLOVAKIA, HUNGARY, ROMANIA,
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makes it into an organised database
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which required more ‗action‘ to
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files as digital media objects. As
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Chapter 3 | YouTube and Digital Mem
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users of the site. 217 Moreover, as
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In the category of vernacular or us
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selection is in many cases thorough
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database is changing as well. As Ge
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Page 115 and 116: inflame a reaction formation: the
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Page 119 and 120: and use of technology, also as ‗g
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Page 125 and 126: The ending of the video sends a ver
Page 127 and 128: Milošević giving a speech is embe
Page 129 and 130: memory practices and nostalgic refe
Page 131 and 132: moje detinjstvo, sloboda, mir [my c
Page 133 and 134: 4) In Zemun [part of Belgrade]. How
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Page 137 and 138: Jugoslavijo A much more elaborate v
Page 139 and 140: Figure 27 | Photograph of a delegat
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Page 143 and 144: Damned be Josip Broz ―Tito‖ all
Page 145 and 146: HERZEGOVINA, THAT IS, IT IS THE ONL
Page 147 and 148: oppression. And the cover by Azra,
Page 149 and 150: Kroz čempres vjetar duva [Through
Page 151 and 152: Figure 30 | The closing scene. What
Page 153 and 154: This is a time when men were gentle
Page 155 and 156: The string of post‘n‘replies re
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Page 165 and 166: Chapter 4 | The Past on Facebook: P
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Page 169 and 170: Facebook: Digital Sociability and M
Page 171 and 172: keeping in touch; or, in the case o
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Page 175 and 176: Nevertheless, many of these profile
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Page 183 and 184: The comments here, as cursory as th
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Page 189 and 190: Enver Dizdarevic Is the idea to cre
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Page 195 and 196: Zlatko Crnogorac unfortunately I se
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Page 199 and 200: The user Šime Zelić stands firmly
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Page 205 and 206: Ever since April 2010, the profile
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Page 211 and 212: Figure 36 | Nova Jugoslavija, websi
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dismissed as a-political. And even
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Chapter 5 | Conclusion: ... Archivi
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much) political agenda. Nevertheles
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(cultural reference). Today, in a t
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ather than digging for material tra
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altogether, but aim to suggest that
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social bonds among 22 million peopl
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Jugoslavija Facebook profile case d
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Povzetek Zdi se, da sta splošno ra
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Priĉujoĉo raziskavo sestavljajo t
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splošno prav v tem, da ga prebere
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odkrivajo, jo privedejo na površje
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avdiovizualnih izvedb preteklosti.
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Lahko bi se reklo, da je bila praks
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skozi avdiovizualne in besedilne ko
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»Zgodovina« uporabniške dejavnos
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katere bi se lahko gradila ta zaţe
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to malo verjetno. Kljub temu pa to
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Baker, Catherine. ―Where to Read
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―Constitution of CY (English).‖
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Hahn, Chris M. Postsocialism, Ideal
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Josip Broz Tito. ―Info.‖ http:/
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mejerchold. ―Tatu - Jugoslavija.
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Pogaĉar, Martin. ―Nostalgia in C
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Sobel, Jon. ―HOW: Technology, Tra
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―RAZNI IZVODJACI Hitovi Omera Pob
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